Identity and Online Advocacy

Hijab wearing Muslim women’s advocacy by performing the self online


The purpose of this paper is to present an understanding of how Hijab wearing women perform their identities online and the resulting social advocacy facilitated via virtual communities. It will focus on the use of the Hijab (garment used to cover hair) as a symbol used to advocate for Muslim women who utilise it in the content they broadcast online. Networked individualism along with influencer culture allows these symbols to be propagated to a wider audience and the mainstream success of some Hijab wearing women indicates a possible shift in public perception. 


Muslim women have been somewhat marginalised in Western society due to their appearance and perceived lifestyle not aligning with that of the majority. In Western online spaces that are predominantly English speaking on platforms predominantly owned by US companies, they have integrated into networked publics to become visible on their own terms through their own labour to perform everyday activism. Female Hijab wearing Muslims have formed a networked virtual community spanning Instagram, Youtube, and Facebook with a shared aesthetic identity performed through donning the Hijab. Hijab, while referring to the article of clothing, also “encompasses a comprehensive system of proscribed behaviors that involve restricting bodily space, restricting bodily practice, and performing aesthetic labor” (Kavakci & Kraeplin, 2017); it functions as a symbol contributing to Muslim identity performance online.

This paper views identity though a post-Marxist lens, in which it is developed within and defined against “social, cultural, economic, or political realities” (Papacharissi, 2010, p. 304). The identities discussed are developed on social network sites which are defined by Papacharissi (2010) as websites that provide multimedia “props” (p. 304) for self-presentation and that facilitate the formation of ‘friend’ networks. The networking nature of these platforms is afforded by the overlapping of spaces both within the platform as well as convergence with other platforms (Papacharissi, 2010).  The “converg[ing] of social spheres” (Papacharissi, 2010, p. 306) is what facilitates the discovery of Muslim online presences by those with weak ties to it, thus contributing to advocacy efforts for improving Muslim Hijab-wearing women’s social standing in Western society. Historically the veil has been viewed as an oppressive practice (Rahbari, 2021) and Muslim women portrayed as “backward” and “unfamiliar with technology” (Piela, 2017, p. 71). Veiled Muslim females’ online presences become a site of struggle in the context of identity politics engaging culture and politics (Pemberton & Takhar, 2020). Downey and Fenton (2002, p. 194 cited in Piela, 2017, p. 76) describe counter-publics as offering mediated “solidarity and reciprocity that are grounded in a collective experience of marginalization and expropriation”. This paper argues that through the construction of their online identities by using a visual symbol within a larger network, female Hijab-wearing Muslims effect wider societal change by increasing their visibility and therefore acceptability within wider society

Online identity construction and audience building of Hijab wearing women

The identities of covering Muslim women are developed and broadcasted through the use of the Hijab as a symbol. Self-categorisation theory provides a framework for understanding how a group member’s actions are a result of their understanding of group norms in order to be considered a part of it (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher & Wetherell cited in Hopkins & Greenwood, 2013). In this context, Muslim women may attempt to subvert stereotypes of their group by performing parts of their identity or de-emphasizing other aspects to appease either the ‘outgroup’ or other groups they may be members of (Hopkins & Greenwood, 2013). The performing self does so for various audiences and must do so in a way that accounts for these differences in perspective “without sacrificing coherence and continuity” (Papacharissi, 2010, p. 307). The blending of social spheres facilitated by the affordances of online networks can also blur the boundary between public and private that is more concrete in the physical world (Papacharissi, 2010). Opportunities for exploration and navigating the public/ private dichotomy is made possible with the tools that constitute what is termed Web 2.0, which falls under what Delanty refers to as ‘new technologies’ that are fast-paced, capitalism driven and so embedded into social life that its capacity to change human nature is inevitable (2018) as will be discussed later. Rocamora (cited in Kavakci & Kraeplin, 2017) uses the phrase ‘technologies of the self’ to refer to the convergence of various technologies to facilitate identity building online. For its wearer, Hijab preserves one’s identity in a globalised world being symbolic and “an extension of the hijabi self” (El-Bassiouny, 2017, p. 299). Photography, a technology of the self, enables the formation of identities alongside fashion and social media and is greatly utilised in performing the veiled Muslim female self online. Self portraits (selfies) allow for the self-actualisation of an Islamically modest identity for the Muslim female ‘prosumer’ contributing to Instagram, while videos serve the same function on Youtube. Since the “hijab is heavily infused with cultural meaning” (Pemberton & Takhar, 2020, p. 3), it follows that a virtual community will form surrounding it. The labour of self-actualisation also contributes financial gain for digital influencers (Abidin, 2016). As to how the audience is built, “including hashtags in a post signifies that the user is willing to be visible to, and participate in, a larger group of others using (or searching) for similar hashtags” (Ahmad & Thorpe, 2020, p. 676) thus expanding the virtual community. This demonstrates the utilisation of Web 2.0 affordances to perform the self and situate it within networks for social and economic advantage.

Virtual communities constitute networked individualism without affecting physical social relations; they only serve to supplement them (Delanty, 2018). In this age of individualism, Manuel Castells description of individual-centred ‘personalised communities’ residing within “thin networks of highly personalized individuals who do not otherwise have much in common” (Delanty, 2018, p. 212) seems plausible. However, networked individualism does not necessitate the label of ‘egocentric networks’ which visualises networks as centring on a single essential individual. Individuals, whether existing at the core or periphery can benefit from the covered Muslim female community, whether financially as an influencer or in terms of “sociability, support, information, a sense of belonging, and social identity” (Wellman, 2001, p. 227; quoted in Castells, 2001, p. 127) as the audience. Thus an online life can supplement and enhance offline life, facilitating connections and increasing the visibility of identity groups.

The ‘Hijabista’ and the role of consumer culture in advocacy

Delanty refers to virtual communication as “an extension of capitalism” (2018, p. 218) and highlights that the markets are an undeniably strong driver of social change. Hijab wearers producing content not necessarily aimed at other Hijab wearers contribute to positive visibility within their networks and different communities; examples include gamers, artists, sportswomen, comedians, and ‘mum vloggers’ who happen to be wearing a scarf but who produce content that is not aimed to a Muslim audience. However, a discussion of social advocacy, whether or not intentional, through visibility cannot undermine the significant labour of Hijab fashion influencers, henceforth referred to as ‘Hijabistas’. Digital influencers are a form of micro celebrity who financially benefit from social capital characterised by large followings on social media sites (Abidin, 2016), and cultivate intimacy and emotional attachment with commercial intention (Abidin, 2021). Fashion and beauty knowledge are integral to the role Hijabistas play in providing value to their followers. For their audiences, common consumption interests can forge feelings of social solidarity and contribute to their sense of identity and cultural belonging (El-Bassiouny, 2017, p. 300), strengthening community ties.

Hijabistas utilise their faith as a driving force for both their own benefit as well as positive social change whether they openly act on this latter purpose or not. The Hijab features prominently in a booming modest fashion industry (Singh, Lewis cited in Pemberton & Takhar, 2020); symbiotically, Muslim dress has evolved into a ‘hybrid’ form that is heavily influenced by modern consumer culture and the fashion industry (Lewis, 2015 cited in Pemberton & Takhar, 2020) further contributing to is acceptability in a capitalistic Western society. The ‘Islamic culture industry’ where faith and fashion combine in the digital realm (Kavakci & Kraeplin, 2017) is based on a “series of images, practices, knowledges and commodities [that] are marketed specifically to Muslim women” according to Gokariksel and McLarney (cited in Kavakci & Kraeplin, 2017, p. 852). The Hijabistas that facilitate this “…and their concurrence with the rise of an emergent middle class…mobilises the market and consumption to build a new social order that is more amenable to Islam and Muslims” (Sandikci & Ger, 2010 cited in Pemberton & Takhar, 2020, p. 6). Pemberton & Takhar’s (2020) study on French Muslim female bloggers shows that their consumptive practices shown online even amid a hostile media environment has managed to somewhat shift public discourse by opposing an Orientalist popular narrative in France. Social media has also helped ‘elevate’ Hijabistas to the mainstream, as evidenced by Dina Torkia who rose to fame on Youtube being featured in Elle and Vogue magazine and collaborating with major brands (Boudreaux, 2021) or Leah Vernon publishing a book with Penguin Publishers (Vernon, n.d.).

The architecture of platforms plays a significant role in the visibility and social reach of Hijab wearers. In the context of networked publics (boyd, 2010), taking into account Abidin’s more modern description of internet culture as having hyper competitive attention economies due to content saturation and a gamified metric culture (2020), the Hijab community takes on some features of refracted publics by weaponizing contexts and intentionally collapsing “distinct socio-cultural contexts…to generate potential for reappropriation” (Abidin, 2021, p. 4). For instance, participating in Tiktok trends which relies heavily on remixing increases the chances of one’s visibility outside of their ‘strong ties’ on the platform; an example would be the ‘Don’t rush challenge’ (Torkia, 2020). The same can be said for Youtube where creators can take advantage of ‘clickbait’ and various challenges and ‘tags’ that if timed well can allow their content to become ‘trending’ or suggested to a larger audience due to the algorithm. On Instagram, Leah Vernon is an example of a Black female Hijab wearing Muslim woman who is also highly visible within the #bodypositive community. While individuals can exercise some agency in situating themselves within networks, the outcomes are unpredictable due to the role of algorithms.

Algorithms constitute a less visible aspect of online platforms and control the visibility of content on social networking sites. They can “serve as disciplinary apparatuses that prescribe participatory norms” (Bucher, 2012 cited in Ahmad & Thorpe, 2020) which can undermine Castell’s view of personalised communities’ connective power between ‘thinly connected’ individuals. Hence the potential for advocacy by identity groups is undermined and largely controlled by a hidden entity. Additionally, Craig Calhoun’s position that online networks as extensions of offline cultural communities have a “weak capacity to enhance democratization” (Delanty, 2018, p. 214) due to their ‘thinness’ may have some bearing in the instance that the Hijab symbol remains a barrier to engagement with others outside the existing community due to the affirmation of prejudice spread by the proliferation of ‘pernicious communities’ (Parsell, 2008 cited in Delanty, 2018). Papacharissi (2020) also warns that issues of fragmentation in online networks can overemphasize differences.  However, these points do not take into account the power of a capitalistic society as well as the unpredictability of website algorithms that can cause unexpected shifts in audience attention.

Social advocacy via networked counterpublics to shift public opinion

Simply affirming one’s citizenship by creating a public self can be a form of activism, and veiled Muslim women do so largely by relying on video, photographs or cartoon avatars of themselves wearing the Hijab while participating in various communities. Also notable is the use of hashtags on Twitter and Instagram such as #Forgotobeoppressed, #unapologeticallyMuslim and #FIBAAllowHijab, the latter having contributed to overturning the Hijab ban in the International Basketball Federation in 2017 (Ahmad & Thorpe, 2020), and Mona Haydar’s hip-hop music videos making social commentary as a Hijab wearing woman (Eltantawy & Isaksen, 2020). This visual and textual data discursively connecting public spheres (Piela, 2017, p. 76) creates an identity based counterpublic, a concept that opposes the view that audiences hold a passive and content attitude towards mass media narratives. Counterpublics, whose in-group discourse is viewable by outsiders (Jackson, Bailey & Foucault, 2018) form in response to an oppressive or dominant public and can bring attention to issues affecting its members by the successful levying of online networks to affect mainstream change. On the other hand, attempts to ‘debunk’ Western stereotypes about Muslim women have been criticised from within the Muslim community as in the case of the #Mipsterz (Muslim hipsters) music video published on Youtube which portrayed Hijab wearing women dancing to a Jay Z song, and Dina Torkia’s removal of her headscarf; critics had qualms about whether the media aligned with Islamic core tenets, particularly modesty (Kavacsi & Kraeplin, 2017; Boudreaux, 2021). This brings to question whether social capital is sufficient to persuade a wider public or whether people will remain in their ‘algorithmic enclaves’ of likeminded individuals (Lim, 2017 cited in Peterson, 2020) due to coveillance and over-policing by individuals within communities.


Muslim female influencers on Instagram, Tiktok and Youtube play a role in countering misconceptions about Muslim women to a wider public. They do this by resisting dominant discourse on their passivity, otherness or even hostility by exercising their agency in identity performance online and utilising the Hijab as a symbol. Self-definition by the networked counterpublic of Hijab-wearing Muslim women combats misrepresentation and marginalisation that is prevalent in mainstream mass media. It is recognised however that the nature of fragmented online communities and the thin nature of most communities online can limit the potential for social advocacy, and more research is needed to determine the effectiveness of the everyday activism discussed in this paper in shifting public perception.


Abidin, C. (2016). ‘Aren’t these just young, rich women doing vain things online’: influencer selfies as subversive frivolity. Social Media+ Society, 2(2), 1-17.

Abidin, C. (2021). From “Networked Publics” to “Refracted Publics”: A Companion Framework for Researching “Below the Radar” Studies. Social Media + Society, 1-13.

Ahmad, N., & Thorpe, H. (2020). Muslim sportswomen as digital space invaders: hashtag politics and everyday visibilities. Communication & Sport, 8(4–5), 668–691.

Boudreaux, J. (2021). The case of Dina Tokio: using symbolic theory to understand the backlash. In B. Watkins (Ed.), Research perspectives on social media influencers and their followers (pp. 167-181). Lexington Books.

Castells, M. 2001. The Internet Galaxy: Reflections on the Internet, Business and Society. Oxford University Press.

Delanty, G. (2018). Community (3rd ed.). Routledge.

El-Bassiouny, N. (2018). The Hijabi self: authenticity and transformation in the Hijab fashion phenomenon. Journal of Islamic Marketing, 9(2), 296-304.

Eltantawy, N., & Isaksen, J. (2020). Mona Haydar: blending Islamic and hip-hop feminisms. Feminist Media Studies, 20(6), 847-862,

Hebbani, A., & Wills, C. R. (2012). How Muslim women in Australia navigate through media (mis) representations of hijab/burqa. Australian Journal of Communication, 39(1), 87–100.

Hopkins, N., & Greenwood, R.M. (2013), Hijab, visibility and the performance of identity. Eur. J. Soc. Psychol., 43: 438-447.

Jackson, S. J., Bailey, M., & Foucault, B. Welles. (2018). #GirlsLikeUs: Trans advocacy and community building online. New Media & Society, 20(5), 1868–1888.

Kavakci, E., & Kraeplin, C. R. (2017). Religious beings in fashionable bodies: the online identity construction of Hijabi social media personalities. Media, Culture & Society, 39(6), 850–868.

Papacharissi, Z. (2010). Conclusion: a networked self. In Z. Papacharissi (Ed.), A networked self : identity, community, and culture on social network sites (pp 304-318). Taylor & Francis Group.

Pemberton, K., & Takhar, J. (2021). A critical technocultural discourse analysis of Muslim fashion bloggers in France: charting ‘restorative technoscapes’. Journal of Marketing Management, 1-30.

Peterson, K. M. (2020). Pushing boundaries and blurring categories in digital media and religion research. Sociology compass, 14 (3), 1-11.

Piela, A. (2017). How do Muslim women who wear the niqab interact with others online? A case study of a profile on a photo-sharing website. New Media & Society, 19(1), 67–80.

Rahbari, L. (2021). In Her Shoes: Transnational Digital Solidarity With Muslim Women, or the Hijab? Journal of Economic & Human Geography, 112(2), 107-120.

Torkia, D. [Dina Tokio]. (2020, April 9). Muslim Mamas Try The Don’t Rush Challenge! [Video]. Youtube.

Vernon, L. (n.d.). lvernon2000. Instagram.

11 thoughts on “Hijab wearing Muslim women’s advocacy by performing the self online

  1. Hey Laila,

    I hope all is well in the world of conference papers!

    I thoroughly enjoyed reading your perspective on the social media environment in regard to females using their religious/cultural features to empower themselves and others who wear the hijab. Previously as a predominant Western media consumer, I was accustomed to the looks and trends that are featured all social media platforms including the algorithms at play that suggested more Western media including renowned celebrities and fashion icons throughout the periods of time. Since the rise of algorithms and the cultural shift of ‘multiculturaliness’ in modern society I have noticed a variety of ethnicities and religions being promoted online, this includes women wearing hijabs. Social media recently has been employed to by variety a women to promote themselves and their looks in regard to the small majority of personas being viewed online, this has been acknowledged by sparking change online and removing the dominance that western media claims the holds over other media. Reading your paper has educated me on the cultural purposes on the hijabs and what it means to be empowered, I hope that other audiences appreciate this paper as much as I do

    Many thanks!

    1. Hi Che-Anne,

      Thank you for your comment! I like that you pointed out that the West-dominated media narrative is being challenged by alternate groups – it would seem so. It’s also interesting how women and the way they dress are contributing to the change. Mundane interactions with identities to which one is foreign is an effective form of everyday activism it seems. On the other hand there is the question of why you have come accross a diversity of content as opposed to previous commenters who haven’t! Perhaps the communities you are a part of are predisposed to this diversity already? This would certainly weaken the argument that the internet has truly democratised visibility and that one’s real world associations and networks are replicated online without much expansion.
      Alhough on the other hand, social media networking appears to subvert the limits of geography making us more likely to come into contact with poeple we normally wouldn’t! Let me know what you think.

      Best regards.

  2. Hi Laila,

    As someone who does not have a large amount of experience with the Muslim community I found your paper quite interesting and enlightening. Your discussion of algorithms actually highlighted to me how little I see of Hijab wearing influencers or “Hijabistas” as you referred to them. This caused me to have a think about the content I engage with and the content shared by the people around me and those that I follow and the lack of diversity within that.

    Thank you for a thought provoking read!

    1. Thank you for your comment Kaily, I’m glad my paper was able to enlighten in some way!

      Definitely, as per Elissa Duck’s comment below, we tend to remain in our ‘algorithmic enclaves’ and this may limit our exposure to different content and communities. It’s a question of whether the underlying values (of the coders) embedded within the code of these platforms is the main cause of this. I also wonder how representational of real society the ‘default’ pages are of various websites, such as the Instagram and Tiktok explore pages and the Youtube front page.

  3. Hi Laila,

    Well done on an excellent paper! This is not an online community I know much about, so I was very interested to read and learn more. I enjoyed your discussion on identity and how hijab wearing women construct identities as a ‘networked self’ across the different social media platforms. It seems they are simultaneously able to subvert and uphold traditions due to the different affordances and technologies these platforms give them.

    I was particularly interested in your discussion on algorithms. I want to pick up on your question whether “social capital is sufficient to persuade a wider public or whether people will remain in their ‘algorithmic enclaves’ of like minded individuals”.
    Unfortunately, I think that it is ultimately very difficult to get out of our “algorithmic enclaves’. This may be due in part to an inherent bias built into algorithms. The tech companies that set the algorithms in the first place are managed and run by primarily white, western males of a certain age group that live in a wealthy state in America. So they are bringing their own particular bias to the algorithms. Perhaps worse still, is that algorithms are set on historical data, so it makes it harder for marginalised groups to break out of preconceived perceptions.

    I’m sorry to bring a depressing take on this! However, there is cause for optimism. Like you mention in your discussion with Layla below – TikTok seems to have a different set of algorithms. Therefore it may be easier for Muslim representation and hijab wearing women to break out. Also, as the online hijab wearing community grows, the louder and more visible it will become.

    Thanks again for a great read!

    Kind regards,

    My reference to algorithmic bias:

    Wachter-Boettcher, S. (2017). Algorithmic Inequality. In Technically Wrong: Sexist Apps, Biased Algorithms, and Other Threats of Toxic Tech (pp. 119–146). New York: W. W. Norton & Company.

    1. Thank you Elissa for your perceptive comment!

      Your analysis of the difficulty of subverting the algorithm is well reasoned and no doubt a key obstacle in many advocacy efforts; thank you for linking the reference paper which is proving to be a great read. Algorithms are never neutral indeed.

      The fact that social media is low cost, fast and easy to use thus encouraging ‘slacktivism’ by everyday people may cause a net positive effect in spite of the underlying road blocks, although, like you, I am inclined to believe that it is difficult to beat a system when you are within it playing by its rules. There appears to be a consensus that online acitivism amplifies marginalised voices, but whether that alone will lead to meaningful legal or societal change is debatable. Digital presences are not disadvantaged in the way physical bodies are so maybe there is an opportunity for alternate subvertive guerilla like tactics, such as hijacking hashtags that may succeed despite the opposing values encoded in the algorithm. Thank you for presenting your perspective!

  4. Hi Laila,

    I love your paper’s topic. I have seen many Muslim females where the hijabs but it never crossed my mind that they would have social media platforms. Its amazing that they do so that people like me who have no understanding of the topic can understand better from someone who can give accurate information. This way Western’s are not so quick to judge and marginalize them.

    An Instagram user famously known as Queen of Luna had a video that I watched a few years back how hijabs did not stop her from creating cosplay but instead used the hijab as an accessory to create the look she wanted. Check it out if you get a chance to.

    One of my questions is that Muslim woman especially those who wear hijabs are they breaking protocols or their religion when going on social media? From a family friend, who wears a hijabs she told me that they cannot use social media at all as its against their religion. I understand it also depends on what the person wants to do and if they see it as badly as other people in their communities. What are your thoughts on this as I know its a controversial topic?

    Well done on your paper.

    1. Hi Amber and thank you very much for your kind comment!

      I have in fact come accross the fabulous Queen of Luna before; it’s fascinating how people are on a wide spectrum of their understanding of the Islamic hijab, from Queen of Luna to your friend.

      You bring up an interesting topic of the vast differences in undertanding religious obligation and you seem to understand that it is a complicated topic to explain. For most orthodox Muslims, the Quran (the holy book believed to be directly from God) and the actions and saying of the Prophet Muhammad (called Hadith, transmitted by a chain of narrators and collected) form the basic guidlines on how to live according to God’s law. As per the majority understanding, the physical hijab is compulsory for women of age and this comes with other guidances relating to modesty of behaviour (for both genders) and the limiting of interaction between genders beyond what is necessary. I believe the topic of the ‘permissibility’ of social media use comes under this umbrella. The contentions would be on the idea of online interactions leading to sexual immorality, that many would posit as being more likely to occur if poeple post unnecessarily ‘attractive’ images online to attract attention (even if the intention is ‘good’ such as spreading awareness of and educating on Islam for instance). The sin would befall both whoever is the object of desire as well as the audience, to put it crudely.

      On the other hand social media being so widespread almost to the point of necessity may be the other viewpoint; most see no harm as long as they are staying within Islamic bounds in their online presences as well (which is interesting! relating to my paper’s topic on the act of presenting a veiled identity online). The religion is not one that mandates living life like it was over a thousand years ago (although no doubt you will find some who believe so!). As with most things, opinions vary and most people act according to their personal feelings regarding most matters despite what most religious scholars may say. Ultimately it is a matter of intention which is an important aspect of Islam. As long as one is intentional in their social media use, the way in which that will be judged by God should align. If your friend believes that social media use is an unnecessarily precarious activity, it would be ‘right’ for her to avoid it entirely. Islam also emphasises prevention over cures after the fact.

      I attempted to give a surface level explanation otherwise this would turn into its own paper. I hope this clarified things somewhat!

      1. Hi Laila,

        Thank you for that information. It is definitely interesting to learn about this and thank you for clarifying the answer for me.

        Thank you

  5. Hi Laila,

    Interesting read! I can say from personal experience that I am seeing women representing the hijab across social media platforms more than ever before. I have learnt more from online social platforms than I have anywhere else in such as small period of time. I follow some accounts that show hijab representation on TikTok such as @muslimthicc @iconiccpinkk and especially @mehdinatv who answer followers questions of the do’s and don’ts of identifying as muslim and/or representing the hijab. I’m happy to see that this community is finding a way to educate western societies and join in on online social networks. 🙂

    Do you think it’s hard for muslim representation to be noticed on Instagram due to the lack of discoverability in the algorithm? The algorithms for these platforms are very different, and I find that I see a lot more diversity and representation on TikTok than I do on Instagram. I feel as if the only times I’ve seen hijab representation is through makeup brands sharing their posts, and that’s about it. Is this the same for you?

    Please consider reading up on my paper titled “How the ‘misconception of perfection’ by Instagram Influencers encourages impressionable followers to purchase endorsed products that contribute to idolised body standards.” I talk about how Influencers must create a plastic perception of themselves in order to gain brand sponsorships and endorsements. However, they are setting a negative example for impressionable followers who then develop self-image issues regarding who they admire online.

    1. Hi Layla (fun that we share a name!),

      Thank you for your comment. I agree, representation of hijab wearers has increased recently and I certainly had @mehdinatv in mind when writing this paper!

      Your observation that hijab wearers only seem to appear outside of their community spheres on Instagram on makeup brand pages via reposts something I noticed too. I agree with you that the difference in algorithms does make discoverability of identity communities harder than on Tiktok, which grants visibility to whoever participates in the Tiktok culture of remixed challenges. Instagram is closer to Facebook in the sense that who you follow more closely mimics your ‘real life’ network, and the explore page as far as I know is mainly curated based on who one is already following.

      I will definitely read your paper and hope to contribute to the discussion in the comments there!

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *