HOLDING AMERICAN DEMOCRACY TO ACCOUNT: COMBATING BLACK IDENTITY HOMOGENIZATION WITH ‘HASHTAG JACKING’ AND ‘MEME FACTORIES’

It is not up to governments to unilaterally declare themselves ‘liberal democracies.’ Things like armed government soldiers treating supporters of one candidate or another preferentially during an election, for example, can rightly bring such claims into just dispute (Willis, Lynch & Cheeseman, 2017; Iwuoha, Obiora, Obi, Alumona, Ojimba & Obiorji, 2021; Meyer, 2020; Ali, 2022). So it is, also, with US citizenship. Standards must support the claim. As conceived, the United States was to have only one caste – citizen – with all in it being equal (Lee, 2017). In US law, rights stated were merely protections of pre-existing rights, declaring from founding that it was creating a society based on “inalienable rights”, and “self-evident” truths, that “all men are created equal” (National Constitution Center, 1776; Interactive Constitution(a), 1788, para. 2). The citizens were “free” and the property of “the Creator” (National Constitution Center, 1776), not of their government, with America clarifying that its even its own Bill of Rights is not an exhaustive list of citizens’ rights (The White House, n.d., Ninth Amendment; Barnett, n.d.). Equality requires a single caste for all citizens. A society cannot rightly enjoy a caste system, while identifying as a meritocracy or ‘liberal democracy’ (Forbath, 1999; Handa, 2021; Naskar, 2022; Meyer, 2020; Ali, 2022; Wilkerson, 2021; UN News, 2016; Negretto & Sanchez-Talanquer, 2021).

Yet, between 1776 and 1964, various states in America had codified laws creating a secondary social caste for ‘Negroes’ (Martin, 1991; Seder, 2019; Dorsey, 2011; Dailey, 2000; Blakemore, 2020; Perry, 2001; Heckleman & Dinan, 2021). Despite this, America still trades on a reputation for having been built as, and capable of teaching other nations how to create a casteless society (van Den Driest, 2010; Sherwanil, Yassen &. Kokha, 2021; Smith, 2012; Scott & Steele, 2011). Rather than just a nagging, irritating grift for Blacks at large, reparations is rightly viewed as a bellwether of America’s ability, or even intent, to deliver on the Exceptionalist ideals underpinning its democratic expansion abroad to this day (Ramrattan & Szenberg, 2017). Today, to protect the notion of systemic fairness within its democracy, America even deploys tax-subsidised philanthropy as an ad hoc social safety net, even if with questionable aim (Acs & Phillips, 2002; McLaren, 2020; Moore, 2020, 5:38-6:19). The essentiality of exploiting a subjugated caste, deprived of equal rights, to build a ‘democratic’ society, even if only ostensibly repaired by “distributive justice (Das, 2010, p. 43, para. 2)” centuries later, to save face, remains an open question (Hiwrale, 2020; Rosen, 2020). Yet, US slavery reparations remains an unresolved, inward, internal household discussion, almost exclusively between US citizens and government, with little to no international challenge to America’s democratic triumphalism (Brophy, 2006; The Associated Press, 2021; Meyer, 2020; Ali, 2022).

In 2011, co-founders Yvette Carnell and Antonio Moore started the ADOS Advocacy Foundation (ADOS), and started a controversial hashtag, and later a YouTube Channel and Web site, often using the hashtag ‘#ADOS’ in service of the US slavery reparations cause (Linvill, Henderson & Mikkilineni, 2021; Carnell, n.d.; ADOS Advocacy Foundation, n.d.). While broadcast media has traditionally been unparalleled in shaping Black identity (Sullivan & Platenburg, 2017; Worrell & Watson, 2008; IzzitEDU, 2019; PBS Origins, 2019), and brought about the reforms in the 1960s (Philley, 2012), having online strategies would position ADOS for tomorrow’s increasingly digitised future. “Refracted publics (p. 2, para. 4)” strategies (Abidin, 2021, p.1, para. 1), like “hashtag jacking (p. 6, para. 6)” and ‘meme factories (Abidin, 2020)’, can help disambiguate the ADOS identity from homogenisation with competing framings of Black identity.

Students of Foucault note the arenas in which identities can be negotiated, like interactions with the State, or interactions with others (Fraser, 2018; Hacking, 2004). Observers of Foucault’s work recognise a manner of identity formation through dialogue, called ‘alethourgia’ related to the “aletheia” of ancient Greek philosophers (Knight, 1993; Wolenski, 2004; Hacking, 2004). Foucault describes ‘alethourgia’ as the ritual unveiling of truth over time, through dialogue or experience, akin to a newborn baby, discovering, and learning control, of a limb or a digit, through progressive self-realisation. The 1930’s France brought the application of Foucault’s framing to the Black idea of ‘negritude’, the process of uncovering what it means to be African through interaction with others practicing an anti-colonial, cultural framework with a heavy emphasis on speech, mannerisms, and art (Senghor, 2010; Rabaka, 2015; Diagne, 2018; Ekpo (a), 2010; Ekpo (b), 2010; Jewsiewicki, 2002; Shaw, 2013; Tembo, 2020).

Today, what it often means to be ‘Black’ is increasingly performative (Davis, 2010; Chang, Fuller & Fox, 2022; Bengal, 2018; Nittle, 2018; Objective Opinions, 2021; The Root, 2018; Stewart, 2022; McGreal, 2015). ADOS, on the other hand, is not a performative, ethnic, or cultural identity but an ancestral one defined by the time, place, and codified caste of one’s ancestors, not cultural acts or even skin colour (Topaler, Kocak & Usdiken, 2021; Mason, Nam & Kim, 2013; Mitchell & Shillingford, 2017). Notably, the four-word title ‘American Descendants of Slaves’ – be it the organisation, or, the uninvolved descendants themselves – makes no reference to colour. Any ‘blackness’ implied is inherent to slavery itself, not asserted.

The US’s First Amendments, and the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, both provide freedom of speech to call oneself what one prefers (Anker, 2014; Collier, 2010; The White House, n.d., The First Amendment; United Nations, 1948, Article 2). What people and government call you is not necessarily what, nor who, you are (Wamsley, 2021; Zhang, 2022; Philley, 2012). Today, that is increasingly one’s individual decision. Particularly since the Civil Rights Act of 1964, when greater self-determination was afforded Black US citizens, how others should address them has been a dynamic, evolving topic (Coleman, 2020). The late essayist, novelist and jazz critic, Stanley Crouch, struggled with what to be called (Roberts, 2020, para. 9).

The identity called ‘African American’ was initially created for Black US citizens, unable to trace their ancestries to any specific African nation, because of poor record-keeping of family histories during US slavery (Mitchell & Shillingford, 2017). In the absence of knowing a specific country within Africa, African Americans are forced to be as vague. It was not a euphemism for absolutely anyone of dark skin colour and “Type 4” hair (Goffe, 2012; Amay, 2021; Webb-Gannon, Webb & Solis, 2018). In theory, a “South African American” is not an “African American” because “Africa(n)” invokes the entire continent, a degree of ambiguity not required of someone aware of their specific national roots. Destinee-Charisse Royal explains, “Because of the history of Black people in (the United States), most of us do not have a specific African nation to link our ancestry back to… when you are looking at a group of people of African ancestry in the United States, you do not know if they …were born in, say, Ghana or if they were born in the Bronx like I was (Coleman, 2020, para. 18).” However, one can be deliberately coy or discreet about such known history, as long as ‘blackness’ is defined performatively (BBC.com, 2019) making one indistinguishable from a descendant of US slavery to those uninitiated or indifferent to matters of ‘blackness.’ Distinguishing American descendants of slavery from other Black identities, unaligned with any US slavery reparations agenda, therefore, becomes vexing and controversial (Nsangou & Dundes, 2018).

These observations are often dismissed as “nativist”, some advancing a strawman, for example, that Moore and Carnell deny that Vice President Kamala Harris is “Black”, which they reject having said (Linvill, et al., 2021; Adjei-Kontosh, 2019, para. 4; Hampton, 2019, para. 4; Scott, 2019, para. 8). Consider the relatives of those killed in the downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17, pursuing “reparations” and rightly calling it that (Martin, 2022; Sales, Duffy, Maguire, Colvin & Guard, 2015). It is not nativist or disingenuous to restrict case plaintiffs to those with relatives on board. So, it is with one’s ancestors in the US between 1776 and 1964 regardless of skin colour. Ultimately, compensating a person with no US slavery ancestors, is not a matter for the US taxpayer. However, it serves opponents of US slavery reparations for ambiguity to proliferate. So, identity disambiguation in international forums is needed.

Speaking on ‘negritude’ at large, Cameroonian philosopher Achille Mbembe writes, “Precisely because the postcolonial mode of domination is a regime that involves … constant compromises, the small tokens of fealty, the inherent cautiousness – the analyst must watch for the myriad ways ordinary people guide, deceive and toy with power, rather than confronting it directly (Mbembe, 2001, p. 99).” One potentially nefarious “small token of fealty” can be an implied sense of belonging or camaraderie causing a person with US slave ancestry to diffract one’s own identity across multiple, symbolic ‘hats’ of identity at the expense of pursuit of tangible, redistributive justice (Brahm, 2019, The Root, 2022; Chittal, 2021; Deo, 2021; Murunga, 2004). The melding of the ADOS identity into other Black identities slowly moves slavery to the back of the national, and international, collective mind. The introduction of online monikers and hashtags, like #BIPoC and #BLM, ropes ADOS into broader, neutered, symbolic, diasporic, transnational movements, often framing “whites” as personal culprits, balking at any notion of a grand, democracy project, where legislatures are accountable for past laws, not ‘whites’ (Wilkins, 2017; Selassie, 2015; Brophy, 2006; Westerman, Benk, & Greene 2020; Eli & Salisbury, 2016; Saric, 2021; Stewart, 2022; Quinn, 2020; Cohen, 2020; Kirkland, 2020; Lamont-Hill, 2019; Reichelmann, 2021).

The proliferation, fluidity, and ephemerality of the creation of new monikers, labels and identities, curating others’ senses of belonging, requires a strategy that can keep up with that pace of invention (Rettberg, 2018). One strategy, described by Abidin (2021), is predisposed to keeping up with that ephemerality, is “hashtag jacking, to occupy, hijack, or create trending hashtags to redirect attention to another cause (p. 7, para. 2).” What ADOS might consider actively doing, beyond asserting the flagship “#ADOS” hashtag, is to deploy “interrupters” of narratives that conflate ADOS with more neutered, curations of Black identity, not unlike the way that Greenpeace deploys vessels to areas where objectionable whaling events are occurring (Barna, 2021, para. 11; DMax UK, 2020). Ideal counter-hashtags might add and addendum about ADOS to existing hashtags, so that searchers for the original also see the spoof, ideally in international forums about democracy (Belhadi, Djenouri, Lin & Cano, 2020; Wright & Street, 2007; Abidin, 2021; Antonakaki, Polakis & Athanasopoulos, et al., 2016; Matejic, 2015; Rodak, 2019).

The cost of appointing someone of non-slave descendance, but of “Black” appearance to a lofty position of international note pales in comparison to the cost of US slavery reparations (Craemer, Smith, Harrison, Logan, Bellamy & Darity, 2020). To be fair, these appointments can rightly still be seen as progress based on past attitudes to ‘race’ (Rubien-Thomas, Berrian &Cervera, et al, 2021; Darwin, 2000; Worrell & Watson, 2008; IzzitEDU, 2019; PBS Origins, 2019) but are not remedial of US slavery impacts. Nevertheless, audaciously self-congratulatory announcements of achievement generally lack any signalling, remedy of US slavery but rather, at best, indicate an appointment “grew up in the … Deep South (Hansler & Roth, 2021, para. 4)” requiring further disambiguation of identities (Articles of ADOS, 2020; Seddiq, 2022).

Images, including captions, are another area where ADOS can help people globally disambiguate itself from other Black identities. Antebellum era slaves exercised discretion over often flourishing, recurring, and creative first names, but were assigned the European surnames of their American masters (Cook, Parman & Logan, 2021; Forry, 2022). Birth surnames are generally not performative. Anecdotally, descendants of US slavery tend to have common British or European surnames like “Jackson”, “Smith”, “Bridges”, “Miller”, “Johnson”, “Williams”, “Jones”, “McCarthy”, “Brown”, “Cook”, and others. Openly available biographical information can complete the picture (BBC.com, 2019; Holson, 2018; Alibhai-Brown, 2020).

Carnell (2020) and Moore note the employment and appointments of persons of African ancestry in the 2010s, but seemingly with no ties to US slave history, to represent African Americans. They note British-Ugandan actor Daniel Kaluuya being “praised for his riveting portrayal of Chicago Black Panther leader Fred Hampton”, winning and Oscar and a Golden Globe Award for the portrayal and other uses as a stand-in for African Americans despite a healthy supply of African American talent (Britannica, n.d., para. 4; Roberts, 2021; imdb.com, 2011; Hopkins, 2011). Other examples news personality Joy-Ann Reid (née Lomena) winning and NAACP award, President Barack Obama reaching the US presidency, and Vice President Kamala Harris ascending to the US Vice Presidency. Although perhaps now backfiring, anointing South African Trevor Noah, with no US slavery grievance, a curator of the US Black experience, allowing the ‘Black-curious’ a ‘virgin cocktail’ of racial reconciliation, largely devoid of US slave reference might also qualify (Rosen, 2020; Holson, 2018; Chittal, 2021; Butcher, 2021). Disambiguation of slavery-relevance in such appointments is also needed. Rodriguez (2011) lambastes the contextualisation of Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential win as remedial to slavery, saying, “…the discourse of national-racial vindication that animates Obama’s ascendance can and must be radically opposed with creative, socio-historical narrations (p. 18, para 2).” When given a common ‘Black’ identity, the result can be like the “Chasing Thomas” scene in The Thomas Crown Affair, or the controversy around actor Hank Azariah, portraying the character “Apu” on The Simpsons (Curren, 2021; Movieclips, 2017; Chang, et al., 2022).

Also obfuscating ADOS is that slavery is not unique to African Americans. Other nations their own histories with slavery, often equally as outrageous and inhumane as US slavery, if not worse (Western Australian Legacies of British Slavery, n.d.; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2012; Longman-Mills, Mitchell & Abel, 2019; The Associated Press, 2022). However, in nations where the accepted form of government may have been an autocrat, like a King, with “subjects”, not ‘free citizens.’ Save Japanese internment of US citizens, there was likely no explicit, founding promise of freedom or equality to betray, atrocities to be sure, but not in defiance of any promised, written, single citizenship identity, much less suppression of the mention of said failure leveraged for largely unchecked moral authority to deploy international use of force in allegedly democratic causes (The White House, n.d; United Nations, 1948; Anderson, 2020; Chen, 2015; Garcia de Mueller, 2015, pp. 41 – 49; Schoeppner, 2013; Scott & Steele, 2011). Disambiguation here is also needed.

One of the ways that this conflation is promoted is through publicly distributed images in news media, print and online, and their captions (Finton, 2015; Fairey, 2008), effectively a “meme factory (Abidin, 2020; Abidin, 2021).” Perhaps ADOS would do well to respond in kind with “meme factories” of their own (Abidin, 2021, p. 9, para. 1) challenging the implied links of such imagery, through memes that illustrate the contradictions within such conflation, particularly in international forums on democracy (Wright & Street, 2007; Postill, 2014; Smith & Copland, 2021).

Ultimately, ADOS must internationally disambiguate its identity from other, homogenising “Black” identities and images. Online refracted publics strategies like ‘hashtag jacking’ and ‘meme factories’ can be helpful aides in that endeavour. In the long term, for genuine clarity, individuals will likely need to use traditional methods of identity substantiation of ADOS descendance, like birth records and well-documented family trees (Chongfu, 2014; Leaver, 2015; Mason, Nam & Kim, 2013; Zhang, 2022). On the one hand Brusseau (2019) discusses how big data sees its mission as to resolve identity conflicts by revealing aliases. On the other hand, Oldham (2015) talks about efforts that descendants of slaveholders make to conceal their slaveholding families. This is a data footrace that will take some time to play out (Crawford, 2020). In the meantime, slavery and the unique journey and identity that has descended from it should not be allowed to slip from international consequence and dialogue, while America purports to have cracked the code for building fair societies, without having reparated American descendants of US slavery. Shaw quotes Frantz Fanon as saying, about the otherisation of Blacks, “Negroes are in the process of disappearing, since those who created them are witnessing the demise of their economic and cultural supremacy (Shaw, 2013, p. 98).” With previously only “third world” histrionics happening in the US, like attempts to jail opposition leaders, questions (genuine or bogus) about election integrity, and excessive street violence, now seems an appropriate time to signal to the world if America will soon act to preserve democratic ideal, or if it is in the process of dismantling it (Magubane & Ignacio, 2002; Schroeder, St. Martin & Albert, 2006). Perhaps Some may reason that dissolving the entire project before the revelations come out is more economically expedient, before paying the outstanding tab.

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Identity and Online Advocacy #ADOS, #BIPoC, BLM, democracy, foucault, hashtags, negritude