We Do Not Just Scroll, We Belong By Kate Edwards


TikTok as a Fan Culture Ecosystem of Imitation, Participation, and Networked Communities

By Kate Edwards / 22196347

Social media has significantly transformed the way people build connections and communities. Where connection used to rely on physical closeness, it is now more often built through shared digital activities, content, and continuous engagement. Platforms like TikTok illustrate this change, allowing users to connect not via established social networks, but through content streams curated by algorithms.

My assignment argues that TikTok should be seen not merely as a community-building platform but as a fan culture environment. Based on Fan Studies and Henry Jenkins’ research, it argues that TikTok users engage in participatory activities, such as imitation, remixing, and trend sharing, that reflect and expand upon conventional fandom behaviours. By leveraging platform features and the concept of imitation publics as defined by Zulli and Zulli (2022), TikTok converts mundane content into collective cultural artefacts, allowing users to build identity and community through decentralised, algorithm-driven fan interactions.

References

Bruns, A. (2023). From “the” public sphere to a network of publics: towards an empirically founded model of contemporary public communication spaces. Communication Theory, 33(2-3), 70–81. https://doi.org/10.1093/ct/qtad007

Bucher, T., & Helmond, A. (2018). The affordances of social media platforms. In J. Burgess, A. Marwick, & T. Poell (Eds.), The SAGE handbook of social media (pp. 363–392). SAGE.

Byron, P., & Dejmanee, T. (2025). Queer and trans influential peers: Negotiating platforms for community care. New Media & Society. https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448251356454

Jenkins, H. (2004). The Cultural Logic of Media Convergence. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 7(1), 33–43. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367877904040603

Jenkins, H. (2010, May 23). Why Participatory Culture Is Not Web 2.0: Some Basic Distinctions — Pop Junctions. Henry Jenkins. https://henryjenkins.org/2010/05/why_participatory_culture_is_n.html

Jenkins, H. (2013). Rethinking “Rethinking Convergence/Culture.” Cultural Studies, 28(2), 267–297. https://doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2013.801579

Zhang, W. (2016). The Internet and New Social Formation in China. Publics, Fans, and Social Media. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315756141

Zulli, D., & Zulli, D. J. (2020). Extending the Internet meme: Conceptualizing technological mimesis and imitation publics on the TikTok platform. New Media & Society, 24(8), 1872–1890. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444820983603

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2 responses to “We Do Not Just Scroll, We Belong By Kate Edwards”

  1. 22309268@student.curtin.edu.au Avatar

    Hey Kate! Great presentation, it was very informative and engaging to watch.

    1. Your exploration of TikTok as a network of publics is good. I like how you developed your argument of TikTok as a fan culture environment through the engagement and fandom fluidity that networked publics afford. You note a few publics, such as ‘BookTok’, ‘GRWM’, and ‘GymTok’. Can you please clarify your chosen fandom case study and elaborate further on specific instances in which this fandom supports your argument and utilises the mentioned networked affordances to strengthen connection, community dynamics, and identity-building?

    2. Your analysis of how TikTok’s algorithmic structure facilitates participatory activities (imitation, remixing, and trend-sharing) and the formation of imitation publics is strong. You conclude that TikTok’s algorithmic structure fosters community building, but you also note that it imposes constraints on connections. In my case study on fandom publics and community on the Chase Atlantic Discord server, I also found that ephemeral structures, such as algorithms, inhibit the development of community structures and dynamics, and that participant-tracking features drive community (Bruns, 2023, p. 74). Did you also find this to be applicable in your case study? i.e. when you reviewed specific fan interactions, how were they able to form and sustain strong interpersonal participant connections and form a community despite being on an ephemeral, algorithmic platform?

    3. The reflection on how TikTok’s remixing, formats, and sound features afford imitation publics and connection is interesting. The example of co-creation in the ‘BookTok’ imitation public works well at presenting how fans express emotional connection on TikTok. Networked environments enable collective action, content circulation, and remixing, which also facilitates networked harassment from publics, amplified by highly followed networks (Marwick, 2021). Considering this, did your case study demonstrate any examples of collective networked harassment behaviours due to TikTok’s networked environment affordances? If so, did you find these behaviours were driven by shared ideas of morality and network norms?

    1. kateedwards Avatar

      Good morning Holly!

      Thank you for watching!

      1. My chosen fandom that I focused on for my case study, was ultimately the “BookTok” fandom. In retrospect, I should’ve clarified in my assessment that this was my chosen fandom, and I should’ve just focused directly on this fandom.

      The BookTok community reinforces my point by illustrating how networked features enhance relationships, communal interactions, and identity formation in online fan cultures. TikTok’s algorithm enables users with similar reading interests to find each other effortlessly, fostering niche communities focused on genres, tropes, and collective emotional experiences, thereby illustrating Bruns’ (2023) idea of networked publics. Elements like duets, stitches, and comment areas promote collaborative dialogue in which readers respond to books collectively, exchange suggestions, and affirm one another’s feelings, emphasising the participatory culture outlined by Henry Jenkins (2004; 2010; 2013). Hashtags such as #BookTok and #FantasyTok further structure these communities and enable users to openly express their identities as readers, showcasing the social media features described by Bucher and Helmond (2018). Moreover, viral movements around books like The Song of Achilles and It Ends with Us illustrate how audiences collectively shape publishing culture and mould contemporary reading trends. The flow of trends, emotional responses, and recurring content styles also illustrates Zulli and Zulli’s (2020) concept of imitation publics on TikTok, where users engage through collective participation and content duplication. In general, BookTok shifts reading from a solitary pursuit into a collaborative, very social activity, as users create a sense of belonging, connection, and identity through continuous online engagement.

      2. I found that community structures and dynamics developed throughout the “BookTok” fandom and in my case study. Whilst reviewing and exploring into the fandoms throughout TikTok, users form and sustain connections through commenting and sharing content as well as joining TikTok communities.

      Yes, I found this relevant in my BookTok case study as well. Despite TikTok being a platform driven by algorithms and marked by its temporary nature, users managed to create and maintain robust interpersonal bonds through frequent interactions, collective involvement, and continuous engagement with the platform’s features. Although the algorithm continuously distributes fresh content and can cause fluctuations in visibility, BookTok users navigate these challenges by consistently engaging within specialised reading communities via comments, stitches, duets, livestreams, and recurring trends. This backs Bruns’ (2023, p. 74) assertion that features for tracking participants enhance the dynamics of community within networked publics.

      For instance, BookTok users frequently follow the same creators, engage repeatedly in discussions about specific genres or authors, and take part in ongoing trends like “monthly wrap-ups,” “currently reading,” or reaction videos expressing emotions. These continuous engagements build familiarity among users and promote a feeling of continuity despite the rapid and fleeting quality of TikTok’s feed. In numerous instances, users transfer their connections to platforms like Discord, Instagram, or Goodreads, facilitating richer and more lasting community development beyond TikTok alone.

      Furthermore, imitation and remix culture significantly contributed to fostering interpersonal connections. Users engage in fandom rituals through common sounds, formats, hashtags, and trends that strengthen their sense of belonging and identity. This illustrates Zulli and Zulli’s (2020) idea of imitation publics, in which users create connections through repeated engagement and common visibility practices. Instead of depending on fixed structures, BookTok communities thrive through continuous involvement, acknowledgment, and emotional connection. Thus, while TikTok’s algorithm and temporary nature may limit lasting visibility and consistency, user engagement and tracking features still promote robust community building and interpersonal relationships on the platform.

      3. Indeed, my case study illustrated instances of coordinated online harassment actions within the BookTok community. While BookTok is frequently seen as an encouraging fandom environment, TikTok’s interconnected features can likewise enhance public shaming, backlash, and exclusionary actions. A prominent example is Colleen Hoover, whose books like It Ends with Us gained immense popularity via BookTok. Although numerous users commended her writing, some condemned the glorification of toxic relationships and themes of domestic violence present in her books. These critiques often intensified into widespread discussions, crafted replies, and public call-out videos aimed at both the writer and the readers who backed her works. TikTok’s algorithm heightened these discussions by promoting emotionally intense and contentious content to larger audiences, boosting visibility and engagement in the backlash.

      Another instance featured critiques related to Sarah J. Maas and the fandoms tied to series like A Court of Thorns and Roses. Debates regarding representation, diversity, and contentious character relationships frequently sparked fierce disputes among fans on BookTok. Individuals who opposed prevailing fandom views were occasionally labeled as “problematic” or inconsiderate, resulting in a group backlash via comments, duets, and shared videos. These exchanges mirrored common community standards and ethical expectations regarding which types of books, writers, or viewpoints ought to be endorsed within the fandom.

      These instances bolster Marwick’s (2021) claim that networked spaces enable collective harassment by enhancing visibility and promoting participatory culture. TikTok’s features, such as remixing, stitching, trending audio, and algorithmic distribution, enabled users to collaboratively strengthen moral values and fan culture while also heightening public scrutiny. This likewise illustrates Zulli and Zulli’s (2020) idea of imitation publics, in which ongoing involvement and repeated formats foster not just connection and community development, but also group backlash and exclusionary actions.

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