Abstract

WeChat in China has become so essential it is almost unimaginable to not have the application or not be influenced by the platform and submit to its immense level and capabilities of accessibility and convenience in Chinese daily life, from daily tasks like chatting with family to ordering lunch. In this paper, a discussion of the effects that censored media and information consumption has on digital advocacy and identity will be investigated with key examples including freedom of speech figures in the Chinese region and LGBTQ+ rights. China’s unique position as a monumentally powerful economic nation, that influences and is influenced by the West means that tracking and determining the population’s thoughts and engaging in discourse with the outside world has never been more important.

 

WeChat as the dominant social media in China is having an impact on the opportunities Chinese people are given to advocate, discuss and express themselves, thus leading to an expected social mould of identity. Technological mediation in online communities is bringing about new places for social groups to congregate virtually, highly personalising our identities online and impacting our identities in the real world (Delanty, 2018 pg. 201). The internet and social media have allowed virtual communities to exist and evolve, guided the users and the platforms they access to create new types of bonding (Delanty, 2018 pg. 201). With more and more people around the world adopting devices, the divide between who is online and who isn’t is shrinking, thus changing how we interact with each other and the individual psychological effects. The internet has disassembled the ‘tyranny of distance’ by making instant communication possible for people in urban to rural areas (Delanty, 2018 pg. 219). The new frontier of loosening boundaries on communication to everyone you know at any time could be a great thing, if the freedom of one to securely discuss safe, legal ideas is permitted. This essay will outline how identity and advocacy is undoubtedly influenced on and off the application. The essay explores these ideas using the platform WeChat and its censorship of social issues such as the MeToo movement, LGBTQ+ rights via restrictions on freedom of speech and monitoring of language. Furthermore the essay identifies how these communities are submitting to or fighting against the censorship variants on the relevant issue.

 

WeChat is China’s biggest social media platform, with currently over one billion monthly active users (Montag et. al, 2018, p.1). It is not surprising that with China’s large population and connections around the globe that it has created a social media platform that is equivalent of the West’s Facebook use, exceeding a billion users every month. With so much activity, WeChat provides an excellent example of an interconnected online, socially driven community. Despite the evolving growth and international recognition of WeChat, internal research on the effects WeChat usage has on societal and individual levels, is scarce (Montag et al., 2018, p. 2). Several factors can be responsible for this, however, strict government censorship and other mechanisms of control, results in boundaries and limits for how China and the outside world can analyse the platform (Harwit, 2017, p. 1). As a result, the communities that form and the spaces in which free identities emerge, have their topics policed, leading to real-world effects on identity for Chinese people. WeChat, like many social media platforms, has been linked to increased mental health disorders and device addiction (Montag et. al, 2018, pg.4). An increase in negative problematic behaviour has an impact on the Chinese identity, let alone a space that does not allow or encourage open thought and speech, leading to minimal space for advocacy on human well-being.

 

These mental health issues that have arisen through social media usage are monitored and taken advantage of by big data at the user’s expense. Spouses and partners tantalise? at viewing each other’s text messages, friends and co-workers anxiously veer one another’s online profiles, creating an undeniable truth that our online presence attaches itself to our real-world identity (Brusseau, 2019). These online choices and interactions are surveilled by big data and compiled to be used to create private profiles on users, actioned in ways usually unknown by the user

 

On WeChat, like many social media platforms, users typically add their own opinion or interpretation of the media they are sharing in a caption allowing a unique way of displaying identity or advocacy on an issue (Graham 2018, p.g 102). A Weibo, (platform similar to WeChat), example presented posted surround Pneumoconiosis, a lung disease, aggressively arguing the reasons why this disease is important for broader discourse and why the issue warrants further politicisation (Graham 2018, p.g 103). This authentic way to share information means that users may be more likely or less likely to share information similarly in real life or in other forms of communication depending on their comfort in that space. Anyone who uses social media regularly would understand the role of hashtags: essentially providing routes to explore content on the platform. In the space of identity and advocacy, hashtags provide a powerful way for groups to communicate and share information. China’s platforms like WeChat and Weibo are examples of applications that use hashtags to allow users to navigate different content. The MeToo movement in China was heavily censored due to Western origins and media, leading to Chinese users having limited ability to discuss the topic of sexual assault and other related opinions. (Abidin, 2021 pg.8). In instances where censorship applies to key words or terms, like #MeToo, members of the platform may substitute blacklisted words with different types of homonyms to avoid the algorithm’s detection (Abidin, 2021 pg.8). In China, users on WeChat were able to discuss #MeToo and share experiences and opinions by using the “#米兔”, (mi tu), literally translating to rice bunny as well as the emojis for rice and bunny to avoid censorship. This reflects the creative lengths in which Chinese users will go to in order to contribute their views to social justice issues that investigate an individual or collective identity, allowing space to advocate for others. In 2018, the Chinese media Sina began a ‘cleanup campaign’ on its hugely popular site Weibo, targeting content related to homosexuality in any way (Liao S, 2019, pg. 1). This cleanup provoked an emotional pushback from members of the site who rallied behind a bold hashtag “#IAmGay” (Liao S, 2019). Zhudingzhen, an openly gay online celebrity tweeted the hashtag along with “#whataboutyou?” prompting an explosion of retweets, likes, comments, shares and subsequent discussions on the topic (Liao S, 2019, pg. 1). The #IAmGay counter campaign demonstrates how online censorship that targets communities, identities and minority groups can have counterproductive outcomes when communities mobilise together for protection for online rights. In today’s world of immediate content sharing, online advocacy can emerge and spread in hours, allowing the space for immediate global news. The #IAmGay hashtag led to coming out stories being shared and a larger conversation to be had on gender and sexual discrimination in Chinese society (Liao S, 2019, pg. 1). LGBTQ+ rights and identity discovery in the West has made enormous progress through the availability of minority communities in direct relation to online platforms. Therefore, taking the messages and outcomes of the #IAmGay campaign to seed ideas for similar social progress.  

 

Suppression of speech is not new to China, with the controversial Tiananmen square massacre event. This event being the protest of Chinese students against government social policies. The significant impact of this in the West, but not confronted and essentially ignored in the East. Today, similar micro events regarding suppression of speech occur online rather than in the open to prevent violence or aggressive measures. Recently, in 2022, He Weifang, a prominent law professor in the Chinese region, accused Tencent the parent company of WeChat of trampling on civil rights by suspending his sixth WeChat account (Lau, 2022). Weifang notably supported Charter 08, a policy drafted in December 2021 calling for greater democracy and respect in the struggle for human rights, globally but more relevantly in China. Charter 08’s origins go back to anti-Soviet Czechoslovakia making it a clear similarity to opposition to current regimes in mainland China. This example of user account banning, outlines the zero tolerance for opinions, identities and advocacy that goes against China’s censorship regulations.

 

In China, social stability is essential to the ideal society that the CCP, (Chinese Communist Party), imposes on the nation, with disruption of this offensive to the ruling authorities (Graham 2018, pg. 98-99). This resonates to the previously outlined examples of the way the that the nation’s biggest social media company WeChat operates. One online digital ‘anti-advocacy’ in China is the Human Flesh Search (HFS), an engine that uses forms of mass technological collaboration to track down users that engage in online controversies against regime statutes (Graham, 2018 pg. 104). In Chinese society, ‘Guanxi’, a term meaning the ‘network of interpersonal connections’ carries significant importance in one’s identity (Graham, 2018 pg. 104). With social trust declining in recent years, leading one to only trust themselves and their inner circle, the role of Guanxi is personalised in online Chinese propaganda censorship, as a way to justify censorship using traditional culture as a mobilising agent to prevent beginnings of protest (Graham, 2018 pg. 104). Considering this, WeChat has become a platform that manipulates its users into accepting prevention of identity development and advocacy by convincing them the government’s ideology is better for the nation. From a Western perspective that is not for us to decide, however the suppression of speech is still apparent.

 

Though vast technological efforts on WeChat, an obedient, national online community might of prevented progression of identity and advocacy on issues and topics. However, it is evident that the platform cannot fully contain or eliminate this. With creative ways to discuss issues, despite censorship, individuals are able to form critical opinions. This is likely to continually evolve until the largest consequential event happens, either online or in the real world with users assembling to challenge disinformation and speech preventative measures. It is ironic that WeChat’s technological template of being so peer-to-peer friendly and built on users bestowing their thoughts to the web, that this in fact may be the downfall of the application if high levels of censorship continue against the general population. It is important to note that the examples and theories raised in this essay may not affect the entire population and thus has resulted in little action from the WeChat populace at large. In the virtual world of WeChat, it is easy to hide behind a virtual identity and confront the grapple of censorship than it is in person and in a highly ‘socially stable’ nation like China. This may be the only way to grapple what’s right for the future generations’ ability to critically examine information presented to them. Studying the current state of advocacy and identity in China through the lens of WeChat’s online communities, it is likely to remain online rather than in person with physical demonstrations.

 

References

 

Abidin, C. (2021). From “Networked Publics” to “Refracted Publics”: A Companion Framework for Researching “Below the Radar” Studies. Social Media + Society7(1), . https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305120984458

 

Brusseau, J. (2019). Ethics of identity in the time of big data. First Monday24(5-6).

 

Delanty, G. (2018). Community: 3rd edition (3rd ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315158259

 

Graham, M. (2018). The Routledge Companion To Media And Activism (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315475059

 

Harwit, E. (2017). WeChat: Social and political development of China’s dominant messaging app. Chinese Journal of Communication10(3), 312-327.

 

Lau, M. (2022). Chinese free speech advocate takes aim at Tencent over account shutdown. South China Morning Post. Retrieved 3 April 2022, from https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3166139/chinese-free-speech-advocate-takes-aim-tencent-over-wechat

 

Liao, S. (2019). “# IAmGay# What About You?”: Storytelling, Discursive Politics, and the Affective Dimension of Social Media Activism against Censorship in China. International Journal of Communication13, 21.

 

Montag, C., Becker, B., & Gan, C. (2018). The multipurpose application WeChat: a review on recent research. Frontiers in psychology, 2247.

 

Qiang, L. (2022). WeChat silences He Weifang, defender of rule of law in China. Asianews.it. Retrieved 3 April 2022, from https://www.asianews.it/news-en/WeChat-silences-He-Weifang,-defender-of-rule-of-law-in-China-55096.html

 

WeChat. Mozilla Foundation. (2021). Retrieved 3 April 2022, from https://foundation.mozilla.org/en/privacynotincluded/wechat/.

 

Zhang, Y., Li, Z., Gao, C., Bian, K., Song, L., Dong, S., & Li, X. (2018). Mobile social big data: Wechat moments dataset, network applications, and opportunities. IEEE network32(3), 146-153.

15 thoughts on “WeChat: Big social media’s impact on changing the Chinese identity and digital advocacy space

  1. Brendan Cohen says:

    I enjoyed your paper, Michael. China is a bit of an eye opener. It is always so hard to get hold of accurate, transparent data about what is really going on behind their political walls. I was in Beijing as a tourist in 2013. We had a young guide whose English was very good. She told us that few people knew anything about the Tiananmen Square massacre, and when we used Google to search, the results showed nothing at all related to the massacre. So take it as truth that the Chinese government is very, very good at controlling information and using data against its own people. Nonetheless, reading your paper there seems to be an inexhaustible human propensity for creativity under pressure. The young Chinese, maybe because they have less fear, seem capable and willing to subvert attempts to stifle their lives and self-expression. It is a fascinating space to watch. And so interesting to talk with Australian Chinese.

  2. andrea perry says:

    I enjoyed your insight into WeChat, Michael. WeChat is something I knew very little about and your mention of The Human Flesh Search – what an alarming name to contemplate! I enjoyed how you remained subjective as I agree, China’s censorship is interesting yet I do not judge whether the nation’s approach to conformity is right or wrong. Do you think the demonstrations a couple of years ago from the youth of Hong Kong (where they are not part of China’s “Great Firewall”) are evidence of the difference in public opinion due to their freedom of speech and lack of online censorship?

    You mentioned that WeChat “has been linked to increased mental health disorders and device addiction (Montag et. al, 2018, pg.4)”. It made me curious how these figures compare the popular social media in the West? Did you come across this in your research? It also makes me wonder about Chinese-owned TikTok and about the differences or similarities in algorithms etc.

    • Michael Farrell says:

      Hi Andrea, thanks for reading. I did not know anything about WeChat either until several years ago either. In regards to ‘THFS’, it sounds scarier than it may be… though I did not investigate it deeply in this paper. It is uniquely Chinese. I think in regards to Hong Kong, they were clearly unhappy with Beijing interfering with what was agreed during the 1997 handover from the British. On a microlevel, my paper does analyse similar effects on identity that censorship and big tech and social media creates. Lack of freedom of speech included. Free Hong Kong still appears in different physical and digital places in the world.

      I believe that WeChat’s model being very close to Facebook means that the positive and negative effects are parallel. In regards to TikTok, as it is a relatively new platform the studies are on negative effects, such as mental health, are being conducted right now. However, if the findings in my paper are anything to work off, it is likely negative effects also exist and effect young people who are a very present group on the TikTok app.

      • andrea perry says:

        Yes I agree, I imagine the negative effects from WeChat would be similar to Facebook when it comes to problems such as device addiction and body image. I wonder, however, if the censorship on freedom of speech has a different impact on mental health of Chinese users when compared to the freedom that Western Facebook users are afforded. I’m not sure if comparable stats would be available or not.

  3. Raymond Louey says:

    Hi Michael,
    Always nice to get an international perspective, thanks for the read.
    It’s always interesting to see what emerges, the need to balance between being not obvious to dodge censorship and being obvious so everyone recognises this as the new jargon is like watching a new language unfold.
    There has been talk globally of banning China based apps, including WeChat. It popped up in Australia this year when our PM lost control of his WeChat account. As you say, there is clearly a western influence to WeChat advocacy movements. If it lost that link, what effect do you think it would have on these communities?

    • Michael Farrell says:

      It’s interesting you mention the PM losing control of his WeChat account, in my opinion this is a very poor to not only managing relations with Chinese residents in Australia and Chinese born Aus citizens but also relations with China. It is a political statement to not put effort into this – however this opinion of mine could be traced to the current hostilities between Australia and China in the pacific.

      In answer to your question, it’s really hard to say what western influence on WeChat would have, a possible Taiwan scenario could spread and emerge which is a much more socially progressive society.

      Thanks a lot for your raw thoughts and reading!

  4. Veronica Hall says:

    Hi Michael,

    Your paper was fascinating. I’ve never heard of WeChat and thought that social media wouldn’t be allowed with the strict rules imposed by the Chinese Government around internet usage. It’s crazy how the Government bans the use of Facebook, and yet they allow this. With one billion active users every month, who owns it and is it free?

    It’s interesting how the MeToo movement was heavily censored, yet users creatively found ways around this. Do you know how they manage censorship? Are there community guidelines, or do they follow government laws? I wonder how much of the content is moderated by humans. I imagine the Government has a super tight rein over it.

    Veronica

    • Michael Farrell says:

      Hi Veronica, it’s very interesting and critical that as someone who didn’t know of WeChat your first analysis included “who owns it and is it free?”. TenCent a huge parent company of WeChat are the owners, and have a clear and significant partnership with the Chinese government. MeToo was highly censored yet it, like many Western ideas and concepts, passed through the firewalls. They manage censorship through huge digital and physical efforts – some of which i outlined in my paper. It’s a good question regarding community versus government laws i imagine it’s a mix of both with government the main ruling authority for digital rules and laws.

      Thanks again!

  5. Taylah Sewell says:

    Hi Michael,

    I really enjoyed your essay, It gave me George Orwell’s 1984 vibes with reference to the “Ministry of Truth”.

    Do you think there are parallels between China’s WeChat censorship of #MeToo and Facebook’s censorship of the word ‘men’? Although there are clear differences in intensity, I can see the efforts to protect the privileged on these platforms.

    I’d love to hear your thoughts!

    -Taylah

    • Michael Farrell says:

      Hi Taylah, thanks for reading. I totally see the 1984 parallels. Social media and control and dispersing of information today can totally be seen from an orwellian perspective. In regards to WeChat censorship versus facebook censorship – yes I do indeed think there are similarities. In essence it is censorship that gets to the core of a movement or topic early before it spreads.
      I agree that at the core of censorship it is about protecting the privileged. the privileged that a topic or issue concerns as well as the privileged that own and control the flow of information, in this case Tencent and Wechat and Zuckerberg and Facebook.

  6. Kaylee Samakovidis says:

    Hi Michael,

    I was not aware of the app WeChat so thank you for enlightening me. I thought your paper was well-written and thought out. What particularly jumped out at me was your mention of the MeToo movement heavily censored in China, leading people to use code language on WeChat. It is a reminder that large social movements in western societies do not occur to the extent, if at all, in other areas of the world. It also demonstrates the plight of those who are suppressed and their willingness to be heard regardless of censorship issues. If censorship rules are not eased, I wonder if these tactics will intensify so much that they create more of an issue for the government enforcing them.

    You might like to read my paper concerning environmental activism on Instagram.
    https://networkconference.netstudies.org/2022/ioa/1009/filtering-the-environment-how-instagram-is-impeding-proactive-local-conservation-efforts-and-breaking-our-connection-with-nature/

    Thanks for a great read!

    • Michael Farrell says:

      Hi Kaylee
      Yes the MeToo movement is a great example to use as most people following popular culture are aware of it either on the surface of quite deeply so in the context of censorship it is fascinating that it penetrated Chinese online communities through coded language. I guess you can describe it as a determination in the face of plight – voices of or on an issue demanding to be heard. It is such a big ‘what if’ topic about Chinese censorship, what will happen if it gets tighter or looser and will either of these even happen? In my opinion it’s not loosening any time soon due to significant research into the topic and it’s immediate connection to the nation’s government.

      I will read your paper and leave a comment now!
      Thanks

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