
Introduction
Music has always been surrounded by passionate communities, from the artists who create, to the fans who celebrate it. The term “fan” originates from “fanatic,” reflecting the deep enthusiasm found in music fandoms (Merriam Webster, n.d.). Over time in some fandoms, this enthusiasm escalated into extreme behaviour towards both the artist, and other fans. Examples of this are Beatlemania and the rise of 90s boy bands. Social media has broken barriers such as time, location and language differences between online users. This development has amplified intense expressions within fandoms, reshaping the way fans interact with both artists and each other.
Social media revolutionised fan culture to as fan-artist relationships and dynamics within fan spaces have changed. Parasocial relationships and celebrity worship is fostered within fan-artists dynamics, whilst social dissonance through in-group/out-group behaviour and tribalism is clearly demonstrated within fan spaces.
Fan-Artist Relationship:
Parasocial Relationships and the Amplification on Social Media
Parasocial relationships can be described as an interpersonal relationship where a person, the spectator, has a nonreciprocal socio-emotional connection with the persona/media figures like celebrities or influencers (Hoffner & Bond, 2022; Horton & Wohl, 1956; Termini, 2015). This often occurs after the spectator develops an understanding about the persona which leads them create a one-sided bond whether it be because they relate to the persona, find them attractive or align with the persona’s values and personality. Parasocial relationships are not exclusive to the modern era; they can be traced back to early human history through the veneration of religious and political figures. For instance, in ancient Egypt, individuals dedicated significant portions of their lives to worshiping gods, deities, and pharaohs, who were believed to possess divine or extraordinary powers (Termini, 2015). While the context and motivations differed — rooted more in spiritual, political, and survival needs than personal admiration — the emotional investment in these figures mirrors aspects of contemporary celebrity culture. Today, fans similarly develop deep emotional attachments to musical celebrities, projecting personal significance onto distant figures who hold symbolic influence over their lives. A strong example of such is Beatlemania, is describe by Feldman-Barrett (2023) to be an era depicting “the ecstatic, female-led fan culture surrounding the Beatles between 1963 and 1966”. This title is befitting of this new type of feverish fan culture, characterised by screaming girls who would assemble anywhere the Beatles performed or appeared in the hopes of being noticed. Some fans took this adoration too far and became obsessed with getting closer to the band, thus resulting in harmful and border-line illegal behaviours like stalking and trespassing into hotels that the band was staying at (Feldman-Barrett, 2023). These occurrences showcase extreme cases and effects of parasocial relationships before social media. These extremist behaviours are only amplified after the emergence of social media.
Social media as an extension of cyberspace was envisioned to be a free online space where individuals could engage freely, unburdened by prejudice or privilege (Barlow, 1996). This has materialised as majority of people regardless of background now use social media. An affordance of social media is that it has broken barriers between celebrities and fans, as musical artists are able to share aspects of their life on social media platforms like Instagram, with photos depicting recent life events, to X (previously known as Twitter), where their thoughts and opinions could be heard. In sharing these personal moments and thoughts, artists create a stronger bond of intimacy as the persona (artist) distorts the segregation between their personal and professional life thus making them more relatable to spectators (fans) and further enforcing a parasocial relationship (Horton & Wohl, 1956).
Social media has also allowed audiences to feel more involved in a celebrity’s life, not only by sharing glimpses into their personal lives, but also through platform features which enable direct interactions. An example is the comment section, where audiences can post messages or start discussions that the artists may notice and even respond to. Another example is through live streams where artists can share raw moments of their lives in real-time whilst audiences view and engage through comments. Whilst many artists livestream, a more consistent case study are K-pop idols, who frequently host Q&A sessions or share personal stories in a relaxed setting –sometimes streaming in pyjamas before bed- creating an intimate atmosphere which further strengthens fan connections and parasocial relationships. Due to such, these social media features are said to foster a very intense fan culture, as fans grow to expect and crave direct interactions with their idols (Dennis, 2021).
Celebrity Worship and Monetising Online Interactions
With social media nurturing an intense parasocial relationship between fans and artists, the emergence of social media has also promoted the phenomenon of celebrity worship. Celebrity worship refers to a type of parasocial relationship which is driven by the absorption and addiction to a persona’s (artists) life due to a perceived personal or social deficiency, which could lead to serious mental health effects and extreme behaviours (Arguete, Et al., 2024; Maltby, Et al., 2003).
Social media has developed this more intense parasocial relationship through other features which monetise direct interactions between fans and artists. An example of such is through the ability to send “gifts” to idols in livestreams in exchange for money. These gifts can be accompanied by a message that stands out from the comments which allows the idol to notice and respond to it. Similarly, in the K-pop industry, paid facetimes known as “fan calls” have become normalised services (Bautista, 2025). These fan calls allow fans to have a facetime call with their idols in exchange for money. These two examples can be considered an example of celebrity worship as the spectator (fan) purchasing these services are actively trying to break the barrier between them and the persona (artist) in exchange for money.
Extremism Theory and Shift from Adoration to Entitlement
Some fans who seek a more personal connection with their favourite artists go beyond social media interactions and paid services, escalating their behaviour into extreme levels, an occurrence explained by the Extremism theory (Argueta, Et al., 2024). This theory includes violent extremism, extreme infatuations, extreme passions and addictions, and more. The 4 extremism behaviours and attitudes listed are relevant to celebrity worship as they help to explain the broad array of potentially extreme devotions committed by those who enact celebrity worship (Argueta, Et al., 2024). These extreme types of fans can be found within the K-pop community and are dubbed “Sasaeng’s”. Sasaeng’s are a stigmatised fan identity who are unhealthily obsessed with K-pop idols and will often stalk their idols and follow them in flights, hotels and on extreme occasions, to their own home (Williams, 2015).
With the emergence of social media, there has been a shift in dynamics between Artists and Fans, breaking down traditional barriers of communication and blurring personal boundaries. As a result, celebrities who were once seen distant or untouchable figures, are now considered as accessible content or even products. This shift has led to a sense of entitlement amongst some fans who believe their loyalty and devotion warrant personal repayment or acknowledgement from the artist (Ewens, 2024).
Fan Space Dynamics
In-group/Out-group Behaviour, Tribalism and Fan Wars
Social media has allowed for a larger more active fan space as its broken communication barriers like time, language and locations between fans. This has developed fandoms to be much larger and more active but has also fostered In-group and Out-group behaviours. In-group and Out-group behaviours refers to a concept within social psychology that describes the tendency for people to favour and cooperate with members of one’s own group (in-group), while potentially being biased, hostile and discriminatory towards others not belonging in that group (out-group) (Ashcraft & Treadwell, 2008). This preferential treatment of in-group members, and inferior treatment of out-groups, is commonly found in music fan spaces as music taste is considered a social ‘badge’ contributing to one’s social identity and as the theory goes, individuals behave more favourably to those perceived to share the same musical taste as them (Ashcraft & Treadwell, 2008; Londsdale & North, 2009). This social categorisation has only been strengthened by the emergence of social media, as its affordances have fuelled ideologies like tribalism and rivalry between fanbases.
Tribalism is very similar to the In-group and Out-group behaviours, but it focuses on the ‘us-vs-them’ mentality and often fosters rivalry between different groups (Koehler, 2023). Some social media affordances that have allowed tribalism to flourish include the use of hashtags on Twitter (now X), and the formation of communities or ‘subreddits,’ on Reddit. Both features serve a very similar function, they allow users to gather around interest-specific topics, allowing for the formation of tightly knit spaces that reinforce group identity and shared beliefs (Horne, Et al., 2017; Hartshorne, 2025). These features not only fortify the ‘us’ mentality central to tribalism but also reinforce the perception of outside groups as ‘them,’ often fostering a hostile rivalry towards them due to conflicting views or affiliations (Koehler, 2023). An example of this rivalry is the phenomenon of fan wars between the different artist fandoms. One of the strongest case studies is the ongoing tension between the K-pop groups BTS and Blackpink. These globally recognised groups are often compared due to their immense popularity and influence in bringing K-pop into mainstream media. Their fandoms frequently clash over achievements, recognition and perceived superiority, thus exemplifying the tribalistic nature of modern fan culture. These fan war interactions are often found on social media platforms. whether it be through making tweets or posts to bring down other idols, competing in gaining the most viewership streams, or insulting and using harsh words against other fandoms in comment sections, the rivalry is fuelled by the nature of social media platforms (Letwory & Sihombing, 2023). Social media platforms also amplify these rivalries by providing users with algorithms that reinforces their bias. Due to this, users tend to be in ‘echo chambers’ of content which imitate their own biases with the occasional post used as ‘rage-bait’ to heighten engagement (Awasthi, 2025).
Internal Fan Divisions, Elitism and Gatekeeping in Fan Communities
With social disintegration being achieved between differing fandoms, you would expect fandoms to have a united front, but this is far from the truth with many fandoms having internal divisions. The internal divisions have been amplified after the emergence of social media platforms, where expectations to belong to the in-group, evolved beyond merely liking the same artists. Now, fans are often expected to actively participate in online activities including, streaming new releases, re-posting and sharing new uploads from the artist/s, and watching livestreams to maintain their in-group status (Purba, Et al., 2022). This has led to policing who qualifies as a ‘real fan’ and the establishment of hierarchical structures that divide long-time fans from newcomers, and casual fans from hardcore supporters. Conflicting beliefs around what defines a ‘real fan’ has lead to toxic enforcements of fan engagement, where casual supporters may be shamed for not participating in things like streaming goals, and newcomers are frequently invalidated for not being present during an artist’s early career.
Conclusion
Overall social media has transformed fan-artist and fan-fan dynamics. Like a double-edged sword, it has broken communication barriers allowing for more meaningful and accessible interactions but has also fostered toxic online behaviours like parasocial relationships and in-group and out-group behaviours. Fan-artist dynamics have changed to allow more direct means of communication but has also facilitated for toxic parasocial relationships to develop. Similarly, while social media has allowed fans to meet likeminded fans, it has also amplified toxic fan culture through enabling in-group and out-group behaviours.
References
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Hi Shannon Kate, You’re right to ask; it is incredibly difficult to police these issues today. Predatory behaviour isn’t exclusive…