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Right-Wing Media Disinformation: Understanding the Polarizing Power of Right-Wing Media


With media’s influence reaching unprecedented levels in today’s digital age, especially during political crises, right wing media has adopted strategies to spread disinformation that spreads fear, anger and tribalism amongst their audiences.

Targeted campaigns serve to distort the truth and undermine trust in democratic institutions, creating a polarized environment that stops critical discourse. Using sensationalism, emotional manipulation, selective framing, omission, conspiracy theories, algorithmic bias, echo chambers, alternative platforms and polarization right wing media adeptly sways public perception to transform everyday political process into an existential threat in the minds of its viewers. 

This essay will explore these mechanisms and break down how right wing media sways public perception during political crises by using social media to spread disinformation.

Right-wing Disinformation Tactics

Sensationalism & Emotional Manipulation

Right wing media uses sensationalism and emotional manipulation tactics in order to weaponize social media’s ability to quickly spread (dis)information to amplify fear, anger and tribalism. Political figures such as Donald Trump make excellent use of this strategy, as Barrón-López & Schmitz (2024) documented; he made baseless claims of ‘stolen elections’ which were framed in apocalyptic terms, causing fear among supporters and demonizing his opponents as threats to democracy itself. Narratives like these thrive in spaces that are not political, as the article The Right Dominates the Online Media Ecosystem (2025) describes, right-wing commentary and sentiment sneaks its way into sports and comedy in order to normalise outrage. Swenson & Goldin (2024) also traced how right-wing accounts (anonymous or not) use sites like X (twitter) to flood people with posts containing disinformation designed to evoke strong emotional responses, for example exaggerated stories of voter fraud, which is designed to trigger a visceral reaction that bypasses critical thinking of the reader. 

There are many aspects to this emotional engineering. Vasist et al. (2023) notes that when spreading disinformation there is usually inflammatory language (e.g. “deep state coup”) paired with exaggerated and non literal images (doctored images of empty ballot boxes or violent protest footage) to steer the reader’s cognitive bias toward threat detection. Littrell et al. (2023) found that even users who are aware of the nature and properties of this content share it deliberately because they understand the power it has to unify groups. Rinderknecht (2024) also notes that at the same time, micro-influencers deliberately cultivate parasocial relationships and frame themselves as authentic voices against a corrupt system, which amplifies this dynamic. Cinelli et al. (2020) explores how all of these aspects combine to create emotional contagion; social media algorithms will serve posts that elicit strong emotions, which then creates a feedback loop of anger. Wellman (2018) links this to a much broader erosion of civic trust, where panic about “vanishing freedoms” and “replacement” narratives create a siege mentality that replaces critical thinking and dialogue with reactionary defensiveness. 

Basically, this entire ecosystem of disinformation thrives on escalation, as emphasized by Wardle & Derakhshan (2017). Platforms tend to reward engagement, not accuracy and this incentivises right-wing media to create divisive, controversial and/or emotionally charged caricatures instead of talking about the nuance of complex issues, which in turn makes politics a spectacle of perpetual crisis. 

Selective Framing and Omission

Another part of the right wing disinformation technique is to employ selective framing and omission to help mould public perception during political crises, again using social media to spread distorted narratives. Benkler et al. (2018) demonstrated that the right-wing media ecosystem operates in a network that is mostly insular, deliberately and systematically excluding facts that don’t fit their narratives and amplifying hyper-partisan claims, for example portraying immigration as an “invasion” while failing to report on economic and cultural benefits. This also supports Swenson & Goldin’s (2024) findings on right-wing pseudonymous accounts spreading voter fraud disinformation, which they did by cherry picking anecdotes like isolated registration errors and framed them as systemic threats to the integrity of the voting system while ignoring any evidence on the contrary, of which there was a lot. Butler (2022) also documented alternative platforms like Gab framing vaccine debates as “government overreach”, which omits the consensus of the scientific community on safety, specifically to sow distrust. Another look at pairing disinformation with emotive language in Vasist et al (2023) to radicalize audiences shows phrases like “medical tyranny”, which removes context to maximise outrage. When looking at this all together you can see a pattern of right wing media curating reality to place emphasis on divisive fragments and ignore facts, removing the grey area on complex issues in order to get as much emotional engagement as possible. 

Conspiracy Theories

Right wing media also has been known to signal boost conspiracy theories to undermine trust in democratic institutions, as documented by Barrón-López & Schmitz (2024). Baseless claims about election fraud were systematically promoted across as much social media as possible to mobilize supporters and discredit unfavourable outcomes. Manufactured falsehoods such as these are designed to exploit existing fears and transform a routine political process into yet another existential threat which provides justification for anti-democratic actions. 

Social media and how it amplifies

Algorithmic Bias

Social media algorithms also systematically amplify the right wing disinformation campaigns through their built-in biases that actually favour sensational and emotionally charged content.  Rinderknecht (2024) and Swenson & Goldin (2024) both found that engagement-driven algorithms, which is most of them, tend to prioritise divisive or controversial political content because it generates way more clicks and shares, which inadvertently boosts the reach of right wing disinformation and narratives. This then creates a feedback loop where platforms like Facebook or X (Twitter) disproportionately serve hyper-partisan claims, which is noted by Wardle & Derakhshan (2017). This explains how recommendation algorithms accelerate the spread of misinformation through “halo effects” that validate a users existing bias. You can see the consequences of this especially easily in right wing media ecosystems in which Gogarty (2025) shows that algorithmic amplification assists political commentary and disinformation bleed into spaces that are supposed to be non-political like sports and comedy, which helps to normalise extremist views. 

There are technical studies that reveal how deeply these biases are embedded, Nikolov et al. (2021) found that social media algorithms show 300%-500% more misinformation than they would have encountered originally. Allcott & Gentzkow (2017) documented how these platforms and their systems boost ideologically agreeable content disproportionately, even if it was factually inaccurate. Hampton (2015) says that these algorithms and the filter they create allows for “information ghettos” where users aren’t really exposed to challenging perspectives, only shown things they’re likely to already agree or resonate with. Vasist et al. (2023) and Mosleh et al. (2024) highlight even further how platforms and their inconsistent content moderation (which is often lenient toward right wing accounts, citing “political neutrality”) more or less sanctions algorithmic amplification of disinformation. Looking at this big picture you can see how supposedly neutral algorithms and systems systematically advantage right wing media and their crisis narratives, which distorts public discourse on a large scale. 

Echo Chambers on alternative platforms

Following on from talking about social media platforms, some right wing media personalities find themselves turning to alternative social media platforms where they won’t be at all censored, which allows them to cultivate highly insular echo chambers. Wellman (2018) noted that these spaces create tight-knit communities, in which views that are at odds with the groups are quickly excluded and extreme narratives are reinforced. Butler (2022) observed that platforms like Gab and Truth Social have become havens for right wing users, and have created self-referential ecosystems that serve to validate conspiracies and other beliefs. This is aligned with the findings of Benkler et al. (2018) on the “propaganda feedback loop” in right wing media, where partisan outlets, influencers, and alternative platforms all reinforce polarized narratives. Allcott and Gentzkow (2017) showed algorithmic personalization exacerbating ideological segregation, further showing how users aren’t often exposed to challenging views or perspectives. Littrell et al. (2023) also highlighted how these spaces effectively promote extremist content, allowing disinformation to spread unchecked due to lax or lack of moderation. This all adds up to an explanation for how alternative platforms deepen social divides by functioning as safe havens for right wing audiences to be shielded from factual counter arguments or critical thinking in general. 

How public perception impacts crises

Polarization

The right wing media’s continued efforts to spread disinformation during political crises has also had the effect of deepening polarization in society. Cinelli et al. (2020) show us how algorithmic amplification creates echo chambers, reinforcing extreme views and minimizing moderate discourse. Boczkowski et al. (2018) found that users are more and more trusting and engaging with partisan content shared within their social networks, widening that divide. Hampton (2015) also noted that social media fosters “in group” and “out group” dynamics which are antagonistic and can be fuelled by disinformation to paint political opponents as existential threats. Wellman (2018) says that digital spaces like these function as insular communities, which allows conspiracy theories to thrive. Vasist et al. (2023) also links this polarization to disinformation and hate speech, and shows that fabricated narratives like election fraud claims exploit general distrust in institutions, which then radicalises specific parts of the population. These dynamics together illustrate how right wing media weaponizes social media to replace civic debate with antagonistic tribalism and create polarization. 

Real-world violence

This polarization has led to tangible consequences, notably the incitement of violence. Littrell et al. (2023) found that individuals that share false information, notably conspiracy theories about civil unrest or elections, are also significantly more likely to endorse extremist groups and violence. This correlation shows a frightening link between social media and radicalization, as repeated exposure to such fabricated narratives primes audiences to justify aggression as defensive, and escalates threats to public safety and stability of democratic institutions. 

Democracy being undermined & eroded

All of this strategic spreading of disinformation works to actively undermine democratic institutions by eroding trust. Wardle & Derakhshan (2017) emphasized that disinformation exploits social media algorithms and cognitive bias specifically to polarize and weaken collective faith in both electoral processes and factual discourse. Swenson and Goldin (2024) also demonstrate this by showing disinformation campaigns directly corroding public confidence in democracy itself. Benkler et al. (2018) goes on to show how these practices damage institutional trust, and they cited cases where disinformation framed independent journalism or judicial oversight as partisan threats, which served to legitimize authoritarian solutions. This all serves to create a feedback loop of disinformation fuelling cynicism, which then makes audiences even more susceptible to manipulation and so on, gradually eroding democratic norms.

But both sides spread disinformation!

While people will argue that disinformation exists everywhere on the political spectrum it is important to note that empirical evidence shows that there is asymmetry in the prevalence, reach and coordination of right wing disinformation. Gogarty (2025) quantified this, showing that right leaning shows common audiences 3-5 times bigger than their left-aligned competition, and that their narratives make it into spaces that are supposed to be non-political like sports and comedy. Allcott & Gentzkow’s (2017) study aligns with this to show that pro-Republican fake news during the 2016 election in the U.S was circulated three times more than Democratic equivalents. This imbalance was attributed to structural factors by Benkler (2018), namely partisan outlets, influencers and platforms like Gab and Rumble working together to amplify disinformation, which is also documented by Butler (2022). The dynamics of the right wing audience also work to amplify this, Nikolov et al. (2021) demonstrating that right leaning audiences are more vulnerable to disinformation due to institutional distrust, which is exploited by right wing influencers who Rinderknecht (2024) says frame disinformation as “rebellion against elites”. Wardle & Derakhshan (2017) emphasized that the right wing’s systemic production of disinformation coupled with platforms profit driven amplification creates a unique threat to democratic discourse which transcends isolated “both sides” false equivalencies. 

The findings of this paper highlight the significant role right wing media plays in using disinformation to change public perception during political crises. 

Amplifying emotionally charged narratives polarizes audiences and undermines trust in democratic institutions, which then creates a divided environment perfect for manipulation. This then creates a culture where critical discourse is instead replaced with antagonistic tribalism, which is a significant threat to the democratic process. 

To address this, it’s critical to invest in civic and critical thinking education to equip people with the tools to engage with information critically and constructively. Media literacy is an important tool for audiences to tell information from disinformation and will create a more informed society as a whole. Additionally, implementing better fact checking on social media to help curb the spread of disinformation in the meantime, potentially even holding egregious spreaders of disinformation accountable. It is critical for the survival of democracy that something be done to restore trust in democratic institutions and prevent further erosion by disinformation and right wing media. 

References:

Allcott, H., & Gentzkow, M. (2017). Social media and fake news in the 2016 election. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 31(2), 211–236. https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.31.2.211

Barrón-LóPez, L., & Schmitz, A. (2024, June 20). How right-wing disinformation is fueling conspiracy theories about the 2024 election. PBS News. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/how-right-wing-disinformation-is-fueling-conspiracy-theories-about-the-2024-election

Benkler, Y., Faris, R., & Roberts, H. (2018). Conclusion. In Oxford University Press eBooks (pp. 381–388). https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923624.003.0014

Boczkowski, P. J., Mitchelstein, E., & Matassi, M. (2018). “News comes across when I’m in a moment of leisure”: Understanding the practices of incidental news consumption on social media. New Media & Society, 20(10), 3523–3539. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817750396

Butler, M. B. (2022, October 4). Alternative social media sites seen as haven for right-wing users. Courthouse News Service. Retrieved April 5, 2025, from https://www.courthousenews.com/alternative-social-media-sites-seen-as-haven-for-right-wing-users/

Cinelli, M., Quattrociocchi, W., Galeazzi, A., Valensise, C. M., Brugnoli, E., Schmidt, A. L., Zola, P., Zollo, F., & Scala, A. (2020). The COVID-19 social media infodemic. Scientific Reports, 10(1). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-73510-5

Gogarty, K. (2025, March 14). The right dominates the online media ecosystem, seeping into sports, comedy, and other supposedly nonpolitical spaces. Media Matters for America. Retrieved April 6, 2025, from https://www.mediamatters.org/google/right-dominates-online-media-ecosystem-seeping-sports-comedy-and-other-supposedly

Hampton, K. N. (2015). Persistent and pervasive community. American Behavioral Scientist, 60(1), 101–124. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764215601714

Littrell, S., Klofstad, C., Diekman, A., Funchion, J., Murthi, M., Premaratne, K., Seelig, M., Verdear, D., Wuchty, S., & Uscinski, J. E. (2023). Who knowingly shares false political information online? HKS Misinformation Review. https://doi.org/10.37016/mr-2020-121

Mosleh, M., Yang, Q., Zaman, T., Pennycook, G., & Rand, D. G. (2024). Differences in misinformation sharing can lead to politically asymmetric sanctions. Nature, 634(8034), 609–616. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-024-07942-8

Nikolov, D., Flammini, A., & Menczer, F. (2021). Right and left, partisanship predicts (asymmetric) vulnerability to misinformation. HKS Misinformation Review. https://doi.org/10.37016/mr-2020-55

Rinderknecht, R. (2024, September 17). Disinformation may thrive as transparency deteriorates across social media. RAND. Retrieved April 6, 2025, from https://www.rand.org/pubs/commentary/2024/09/disinformation-may-thrive-as-transparency-deteriorates.html

Swenson, A., & Goldin, M. (2024, April 6). Anonymous accounts use right-wing channels to spread misinformation | AP News. AP News. Retrieved April 6, 2025, from https://apnews.com/article/misinformation-anonymous-accounts-social-media-2024-election-8a6b0f8d727734200902d96a59b84bf7

Vasist, P. N., Chatterjee, D., & Krishnan, S. (2023). The Polarizing Impact of Political Disinformation and Hate Speech: A cross-country configural Narrative. Information Systems Frontiers, 26(2), 663–688. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10796-023-10390-w

Wardle, C., & Derakhshan, H. (2017, September). Information disorder: Toward an interdisciplinary framework for research and policy making. Council of Europe Publishing. Retrieved April 6, 2025, from https://edoc.coe.int/en/media/7495-information-disorder-toward-an-interdisciplinary-framework-for-research-and-policy-making.html

Wellman, K. N. H. a. B. (2018). Lost and saved . . . again. Contemporary Sociology, 47(6), 643–651. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26585966

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12 responses to “Right-Wing Media Disinformation: Understanding the Polarizing Power of Right-Wing Media”

  1. 22068297 Avatar

    Hi Mathew,

    I found your paper to be very well put together and comprehensive. You did a great job at breaking down the components of emotional manipulation and algorithmic amplification with some well-backed references. I wasn’t aware of some of the tactics used by right-wing media to invoke fear and spread disinformation.

    I was particularly intrigued by how fear is not just used to provoke reactions, but how it can override rational thinking by building a sense of existential threat. Do you think certain demographics are more susceptible to these emotional fear tactics than others? If so, what factors might contribute to that vulnerability?

    I must admit I do not follow politics closely and usually try to steer clear of it, but your paper really highlighted how deeply embedded these tactics are in online culture. It is hard to avoid them when they seem baked into the platforms we use every day.

    Regards,
    Greg

    1. Mathew Avatar

      Hello Greg!

      I’m glad you liked the paper, I worked hard on it and it’s scary stuff I think everyone should at least be aware of.

      As for your question about certain demographics, I feel like it really boils down to a combination of simple things; Media literacy, Emotional regulation, and Critical thinking skills. I’m not sure if there are demographics are that on a whole better or worse at these sorts of things, but I’m sure a targeted study would have very interesting results.

      Thanks,
      Mat

  2. Maxim Lullfitz Avatar

    Hi Mat,

    Your paper provides some interesting points on how the Right Wing uses disinformation tactics, manipulation and polarisation to spark fear and sway voters to it’s cause. A lot of the points seem to be referencing American politics including Donald Trump, and previous elections in 2016 and 2024. Do you see these tactics being used in Australia to the same extent?

    In Australia we have NewsCorp who owns Newspaper outlets including The Australian, The Daily Telegraph, The Mercury, The Advertiser and The Courier-Mail. Sky News is also owned by News Corp tend to favour right wing parties in Australia. These outlets often label the ABC, the nationally owned media outlet as biased towards the left, a sentiment echoed by Peter Dutton who called the ABC ‘hate media’ https://theconversation.com/peter-dutton-calling-the-abc-and-the-guardian-hate-media-rings-alarm-bells-for-democracy-255412. Do you think that is a fair statement, or another example of misinformation by a ‘Right’ wing party leader?

    Thanks for your insights in this essay, it is a sobering example of mental games that can be used against the general public. Let’s hope there is a reduction of this in the future!

    Thanks,
    Max

    1. Mathew Avatar

      Hi Maxim!

      Australian right wing parties are trying very hard to emulate Trumps success (thankfully it looks like the chaos in the resulting USA is preventing them from succeeding too much)

      It is true that the Majority of the news outlets in Australia are owned by right leaning entities, and Dutton hilariously calling the ABC haters for fact-checking him is right out of Trumps playbook. It’s a good example of what I’ve already talked about in my paper, appealing to distrust in the media to stop people believing things that hurt his cause. It’s not a fair statement, or one even based in reality, it’s sensationalism and another attempt at polarization, if you don’t agree with Dutton, you’re against him, and that means you’re against Australia.

      Thanks for reading,
      Mat

      1. Maxim Lullfitz Avatar

        Hey Mat,

        It looks like you were completely correct after the landslide election which took place over the weekend. After all of the right-wing news outlet backing of parties including the Liberal party, ultimately Labor was able to secure a majority in the senate.

        Do you think that social media platforms were not used as heavily or successfully by right wing politicians in Australia, or do you think there were other reasons for the loss at play?

        Thanks,
        Max

  3. maxf Avatar

    Hey Mathew!

    I found your paper really interesting to go through, especially after the last few days we have had. As Maxim brought up the “Hate Media” thing from Dutton seemingly not being as effective as he probably wanted was interesting to watch play out.
    With the Trump style politics seemingly not working at this election here in Australia, do you think social media plays a different role here than it does in the States? As someone who worked in food service during lockdowns, I’ve seen that American-style politics and disinformation from social media and figures like Joe Rogan still exists here, but maybe it’s on a smaller scale than I would have said a week ago.

    Thanks!

    1. Mathew Avatar

      Hey Max!

      I think the reason Dutton’s attempt at emulating Trump fell flat is because of all of the uncertainty in America right now. General sentiment towards trump has been steadily declining since he started with all the tariffs, and a lot of swing voters watched the recent events in the US unfold and decided they didn’t want to try that for themselves. I also have done some time in food-service, and I would say those platforms and figures have a similar level of influence here, but again everyone is looking at what’s happening over in the US and has decided to distance themselves from it as much as possible till it settles down. Nobody wants to be on the ‘wrong’ side of history.

  4. madeleineparsons Avatar

    Hi Mat!

    I loved this paper! It’s so interesting to see the tactics in which those involved in right-wing politics will use in order to get their message across to as many people as possible.

    I wrote about a similar topic, exploring the manosphere and its right-wing ideologies and its influence in young men. I especially loved your first section aout emotional manipulation within the political sphere.

    How do you think that right-wing politicians or content creators use these manipulation tactics to influence gullible minds and why do you think the escalation of points are so prevalent within that?

    Looking forward to your response,
    Madeleine

    1. Mathew Avatar

      Hi Madeleine!

      I enjoyed your paper on the manosphere, it was a good read!

      Right wing politicians or content creators use sensationalism, emotional manipulation, selective framing/omission, conspiracy theories, echo chambers, botnets and much more to do their best to influence gullible minds, and I go into more detail about these things in their respective sections in my paper. I’m not sure exactly what you mean by escalation of points, could you elaborate?

      Thanks,
      Mat

  5. Isabelle Service Avatar

    Hi Mathew,

    This essay makes a strong case for how right-wing media can contribute to disinformation and polarisation, particularly during political crises. However, I wonder if focusing so heavily on one side of the political spectrum risks overlooking the broader, more structural nature of the problem.

    If we’re aiming to address disinformation and restore trust in democratic institutions, shouldn’t the conversation include how all sides can sometimes contribute to the erosion of critical discourse? Wouldn’t a more effective solution be to focus on improving media literacy, transparency, and accountability across the board?

    In my essay I talk about how Joe Rogan uses social media to spread his misinformation and the harm is causes online communities, you can read it here: https://networkconference.netstudies.org/2025/csm/5128/the-joe-rogan-delirium-the-man-the-mic-misinformation/

    Isabelle

  6. Mathew Avatar

    Hi Isabelle!

    You’re absolutely right, in the last section of my paper before the conclusion I do touch on the fact that all sides are at least somewhat guilty of spreading disinformation, but it is significantly more prevalent from right wing parties, measurably 3-5x so. I also do go on to conclude that the best thing to do is actually educate the population, better media literacy and critical thinking skills means a more educated population that aren’t as easily manipulated and can better vote and act in their own interests. There is also already a shift in accountability with fact checking going on now but as we’ve seen recently politicians like to try and get around it, and will probably always try to do so.

  7. Eva Avatar

    Hi Mathew,

    You did an excellent job at dissecting the issues of misinformation and creating the image of how right-wing users employ disinformation as a polarizing strategy. Having researched about the radicalization pipeline of the alt-right on YouTube, I noted a great deal of overlap in our papers, and if you’re interested I’d love your thoughts (https://networkconference.netstudies.org/2025/onsc/6010/youtube-as-a-radicalizing-force-the-promotion-of-the-alt-right-pipeline/).

    Anyway, back to your paper! I especially appreciate how you pre-emptively addressed the “both sides” debate in such a clear fashion. I think people assume that right and left political tactics are always the same and while they can be it often still performs differently as you highlighted with the 3 to 5 proportion.

    I agree that critical thinking, media literacy and accountability are useful strategies to combat disinformation. However, considering users can hide behind anonymity and create new accounts, and therefore may avoid direct accountability I wanted to know whether you believe there is any onus on the platform as curators of users feeds to take measures themselves to prevent this spread of misinformation or do you think it is predominantly on the user? And, if it is on the user, to what extent (if any) does that extend to those who share it?

    Personally, I believe that while skills such as media literacy is important, misinformation is becoming increasingly indiscernible, and considering the vast amount of media we consume on a daily basis I think its unrealistic to expect users to be able to research the truth or fact-check even half their content. But I am really keen to hear your thoughts!

    Eva