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Abstract

This paper explores how the Argentinian feminist community Mujeres Que No Fueron Tapa (Women Who Were Not On a [Magazine] Cover) effectively leverages Instagram to challenge gender norms, reshape public perceptions and promote feminist activism. Founded by Lala Pasquinelli, the movement uses platform-specific tools such as hashtags, stories and user-generated content to mobilise ‘networked’ and ‘affective’ publics, fostering both online and offline engagement. Through viral campaigns like #HermanaSoltaLaPanza and initiatives for International Women’s Day (8M), this community exemplifies how online activism can lead to meaningful political participation and social change. This case study demonstrates Instagram’s potential as a powerful space for feminist discourse and collective action.

Introduction

In recent years, feminism has become a prominent issue on the global social agenda, with women worldwide advocating for gender equality and addressing systemic oppression through various initiatives and activism, both online and offline. With its broad audience and interactive tools, Instagram has provided a vital space for feminist communities to mobilise and amplify their voices. The platform’s visual and viral nature allows for powerful storytelling and collective action, making it an essential tool in shaping public discourse. In Argentina, one such feminist community, translated as ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’, has achieved worldwide recognition. Its founder, Lala Pasquinelli, described as a ‘lawyer, poet, lesbian and feminist activist’, (BBC, 2023), was the only Argentine included in the 2023 ‘BBC 100 Women’ list of the most inspiring and influential women of the year, alongside prominent figures such as Michelle Obama, Amal Clooney and America Ferrera (Jaureguy, 2023).This essay will examine how the feminist community ‘Women Who Were Not On a [Magazine] Cover’ leverages Instagram’s wide reach and interactive features to effectively advocate for social change, challenge gender norms and reshape publics perceptions through online activism.

‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ is one example of many successful social media accounts worldwide that utilise the power of digital media to expand their ‘sociopolitical visions’ (Freelon et al., 2020. pg.1). In Argentina, other popular accounts in this field include Sudestada Revista (Sudestada Magazine) and Amnistía Internacional (International Amnesty), which also play a crucial role in advocating for human rights and social change by encouraging the examination and confrontation of issues such as sexism, racism and classism. However, ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ started as a social media project specifically focused on feminism. It began in 2015 as a Facebook page, pioneering debates and sparking conversations about the portrayal of women across various media (magazines, movies, TV shows) and how these portrayals, consequently, affected the way ‘we shape our identities as women, the decisions we make in our lives and the roles [people] will let us occupy’ (Pasquinelli, 2023, as cited in Jaureguy, 2023, par. 7). Over the last decade, ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ has expanded its focus on feminist topics and massively grown in popularity after shifting to Instagram, its main channel of communication. At the time of writing, the account has 512K followers.

In their profile bio, ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ describes itself as a community that aims to dissect stereotypical beliefs and mandates through actions (Mujeres que no fueron tapa, n.d.). Among the many topics discussed through a feminist lens, the online community encourages its followers to dismantle social constructs related to women’s ‘traditional roles’ in society and their ‘naturally feminine’ attributes. Sexism is no longer only highlighted in media representation, but in everyday scenarios. In Pasquinelli’s words: ‘we try to take into action this feminist practice of constantly making the personal a political thing’ (Pasquinelli, 2023, as cited in Jaureguy, 2023). Through its concise yet impactful Instagram bio, the community effectively sets the tone for its advocacy, emphasising its commitment to challenging the status quo through one of Instagram’s most elementary features: editing and preparing one’s profile bio, a powerful presentation card in the platform’s metaverse.

The power of Hashtag Activism

Popular activist accounts in the contemporary digital environment are characterised by their strategic use of platform-specific tools to strengthen their interaction with their online community and expand their narrative. One of these tools is hashtags, which gave way to the practice of ‘hashtag activism’, an effective approach to promote causes in left-leaning online communities (Freelon et al., 2020). ‘Hashtag activism’, as its name suggests, involves creating a hashtag that acts as a unifying slogan for the movement’s campaign. Hashtags are common on many other social media platforms – including X, Threads and Facebook – and they are effective in uniting posts under a recurrent topic or slogan. ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ has employed Instagram’s hashtags on several occasions to ignite conversation and debate on various topics. These hashtags are especially powerful when complemented by striking visual content. This explains why ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ created one of Argentina’s most viral campaigns on Instagram, #HermanaSoltaLaPanza (translated as ‘Sister, stop sucking in your tummy’). Launched in 2020, this hashtag activism, aimed at women of all ages, was a direct call to ‘combat the idea of having to diet and be thin in order to enjoy the beach in the summer or for social acceptance’ (Jaureguy, 2023, para. 4). As expected, the campaign went viral, with over 4,000 women engaging by sharing stories and photos of their ‘real’ bodies – bodies that deviated significantly from the ideal beauty standards portrayed in the media. The campaign’s virality transcended the boundaries of the online ecosystem, evolving into an exhibition and a book. #HermanaSoltaLaPanza became a powerful example of hashtag activism, sparking meaningful debate on the consequences and traumas experienced by those 4,000 women who had been made to ‘suck in their tummies’ for summer (Sousa Dias, 2022).

The community’s widespread engagement with the hashtag’s core message aligns with the second of three main characteristics Freelon et al. (2020, p. 1) attributed to ‘hashtag activism’. The first characteristic, as mentioned earlier, is the creation of the hashtag itself, while the third – and a true performance indicator of the campaign’s true success – is the attention and support it garnered from influential ‘elite parties’ such as businesses, politicians and celebrities. The success and virality of #HermanaSoltaLaPanza were evident as it gained coverage from nationally recognised outlets in Argentina, including Infobae, Página 12 and Planeta Urbano. It was also broadcast on the popular TV news show Crónica and supported by well-known Argentine actresses, models and influencers, such as Lorena Meritano and Florencia Alegre, who shared their stories and posted photos to inspire their own communities. The campaign ultimately achieved international recognition when it was featured in El País, one of Spain’s most influential newspapers. This illustrates how social media can propel a movement from complete ‘obscurity to international prominence’ (Freelon et al, 2022, pg. 1).

Followers as Networked Publics in Online Activism

The roaring success of the ‘Sister, stop sucking in your tummy’ campaign highlights another important factor behind the success and popularity of online communities. As previously mentioned, the effectiveness of #HermanaSoltaLaPanza lies in the active participation of the account’s followers, who contributed user-generated content (UGC) that fueled the debate. This active involvement shows that the community’s followers are not a passive audience but rather belong to a category known as ‘networked publics’ (Ojala & Ripatti-Torniainen, 2024, p.145). ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ actively encourages its followers to contribute comments, photos and personal stories, as seen in another campaign launched a year earlier, #NosTenemos (We Have Each Other), which resulted in the first book published by the community, compiling followers’ stories. These actions align with Boyd’s concept of ‘networked publics’: an engaged group that interacts through the sharing and redistribution of content, fostering social exchange (Ojala & Ripatti-Torniainen, 2024). Boyd (boyd, 2008, as cited in Ojala & Ripatti-Torniainen, 2024, p. 149), explains that these publics ‘share similar practices, identities and cultural understandings’, with their engagement occurring in a specific space, shaped by ‘networked technologies’; for ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’, this space is Instagram. If engagement is shaped by the features of a given platform, it suggests that each social media platform forms its own distinct public, as each has platform-specific tools that influence the practices and interactions of its users, as noted by Ojala and Ripatti-Torniaien (2024, p.149). Therefore, an in-depth analysis of a platform’s technical features is essential to fully understand the relationship between platforms and their publics. To summarise, ‘networked publics’ are, according to Boyd (2008), ‘an imagined collective that emerges as a result of the intersection of people, technology and practice’ (as cited in Ojala & Ripatti-Torniainen, 2024, p. 149). Therefore, it can be said that the active engagement characterising the community of ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ is not the only essential feature, but also the technology within which it unfolds.

Affectively bonded publics and their influence on politics

The strategy of ‘hashtag activism’ within online activism in contemporary social media demonstrates how the combination of politics and technology can foster opportunities for change. This stands in contrast to previous research that dismissed this potential, largely due to its association with technological determinism (Papacharissi & Taylor Trevey, 2018). To better understand how these two forces interact, Papacharissi & Taylor Trevey (2018) examine their relationship within a contemporary context, considering the conditions under which these opportunities might emerge. These conditions are strongly connected to the earlier discussed concept of ‘networked publics’, which are united by shared sentiments that ultimately drive them to action (Papacharissi & Taylor Trevey, 2018).

In this context, another factor contributing to the success and prominence of ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ as one of Argentina’s leading feminist communities is its ability to appeal effectively to a public with a solid understanding of feminist principles. This public is not only knowledgeable but also ‘affectively motivated’ (Papacharissi & Taylor Trevey, 2018, p. 88), meaning they are emotionally driven to advocate for feminist causes. The community’s success lies in engaging individuals who feel a personal connection to the issues being discussed, making them more likely to participate in collective action.

Building on Boyd’s definition of networked publics, Papacharissi and Taylor Trevey (2018) introduce the concept of ‘affective publics’, which they argue better captures the nature of social media communities. This term describes both the form of the connection and the texture of expression (p. 91). According to the authors, individual hopes and fears motivate people to engage in reactive political actions. These actions are shaped by personal beliefs, as people tend to filter and react to incoming political information through their pre-existing perspectives (Papacharissi and Taylor Trevey, 2018). As Pasquinelli said in her interview with Buenos Aires Herald, ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ advocates for recognising the political dimensions of everyday life and actions – such as what we consume, see and reproduce. For the community, all information is inherently political, and they interpret daily actions through a feminist lens that highlights sexism and the structural issues within patriarchal societies. This approach aligns with Papacharissi and Taylor Trevey (2018) argument that seemingly altruistic or expressive actions, like sharing personal opinions on Instagram, can have political significance and contribute to direct democracy.

In this regard, ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ has proven to be a significant actor in shaping Argentina’s political landscape. As Papacharissi and Taylor Trevey (2018) suggest, this kind of engagement is what many citizens seek, and it is one of the main reasons they turn to technology in contemporary times. By fostering an effective public that feels connected through shared values and collective action, the community has successfully influenced the discourse surrounding gender and feminism in Argentina.

Effective Clicktivism and Connective Action: the success of the 8M campaign

Even low effort ‘clicktivism’ has political consequences and ‘can be gateway behaviours to more significant political activities’ (Freelon et al., 2020, pg. 2) when performed at a mass level, not only in the online sphere but also offline. ‘Clicktivisim’ refers to performing ‘easy or low-effort symbolic actions as political behaviours, including liking, sharing, commenting, changing one’s profile photo and posting activist content on their social media’ (Freelon et al., 2020, pg.1). Far from being ineffective, as some may argue, these seemingly small actions have paved the way for many offline protests, such as the march for International Women’s Day. These are the windows of opportunity for social change that Papacharissi and Taylor Trevey (2018) refer to. Thousands of people – the majority of whom were women –gathered in the streets for the annual 8M protest, where they continue to demand equal rights, remember women who have died and continue to die at the hands of men, and call for an end to harassment, sexual assault and violence against women. For this year’s edition, ‘‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ called on women from all over the world to join in their initiative of printing and distributing pamphlets containing protest phrases and stories of women who had been made invisible over the years. This initiative was communicated through Instagram ‘stories’, saved in a highlight called ‘8M’. Women had to register with their email to receive the ‘protest kit’. The initiative received an overwhelming response, with women sharing ‘stories’ with selfies while printing pamphlets and tagging ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’. Two of their stories read: ‘8M is the day where all invisible women make themselves visible (…) fat, black, faulty, hairy, incorrect, butch women who don’t fit in and receive the violence that the system exerts on our bodies.’ And: “We rebel against forgetfulness, we rebel against silence, we rebel against shame, we rebel against the invisibility of their oppressions and pain.’ Those stories, along with the public’s engagement with the initiative, can still be seen in the account’s highlights. As expected, the initiative was embraced by thousands of women who stapled, hung and distributed pamphlets across the streets. Hundreds even wore the ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ shirt to the protest, all of which was made possible due to the intrinsic relationship between technology and politics. This campaign illustrates how, once again, Instagram’s tools, such as stories, hashtags and UGC, serve as powerful tools in amplifying offline activism and driving social change, reinforcing the community’s role in advocating for gender equality.

Furthermore, the 8M initiative not only countered critiques against the practice of ‘clicktivism’ but also highlighted the power of a new logic of action enabled by the rise of social media, outlined by Bennet and Segerberg (2013, as cited in Papacharissi & Taylor Trevey, 2018, p.90) as ‘connective action’. Unlike the logic of ‘collective action’, which posited that only ‘organised groups with clear political goals and plenty of resources to provide (…) membership incentives’ (Papacharissi & Taylor Trevey, 2018, p. 90) would impact politics, the connective model stresses the importance of ‘personal expression, scalability and the organisational power of networks’ (p. 91). This model suggests that personalised reactions to political issues form the starting point of action (Papacharissi & Taylor Trevey, 2018). This explains why, despite the individual actions of each follower (liking, sharing, posting) concerning the 8M campaign being symbolic, it was their ‘affective publics’ condition and the scalability of their actions that truly amplified the initiative (p. 90).

Lastly, affective and networked publics on social media platforms like Instagram leave digital footprints. The ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ community thrives on these footprints, as their content is primarily based on the examination and confrontation of virtual traces left by media outlets, institutions, political actors, etc. These traces can include news articles, Instagram posts and stories, TikTok videos or threads on X. Everything posted on social media acts as evidence and primary material for the online activism of ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’, challenging gender norms and reshaping public perceptions. This often involves resurfacing and redistributing sexist posts or comments to publicly condemn and reflect on such actions.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the relationship between the feminist community of ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ and Instagram exemplifies the transformative power of social media in shaping public discourse, challenging gender norms and advancing social change. Instagram, with its blend of visual appeal and interactive tools, has enabled this community to not only amplify its message but also build a global networked public who contribute to and reshape the narrative around feminism. Through campaigns like #HermanaSoltaLaPanza, #NosTenemos and #HermanaSoltaLaNovela (‘Sister, cut off the love novel’), the platform has become a space for personal expression, connective action, and the dismantling of harmful societal expectations. By harnessing the power of hashtags, user-generated content and emotional connection, ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ has successfully mobilised half a million followers to engage with feminist ideals. The impact of their online activism highlights how digital platforms can foster ‘networked publics’ and ‘affective publics’, empowering individuals to take political action in both online and offline spaces. Through the dynamic interplay between Instagram, activism and community, ‘Women Who Were Not On a (Magazine) Cover’ has demonstrated the capacity of social media to be more than just a tool for communication – it has become a vital vehicle for social and political change.

References

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Jaureguy, M. (2023, November 26). Lala Pasquinelli, the only Argentine on the BBC’s ‘100 Women’ 2023 list. Buenos Aires Herald. https://buenosairesherald.com/society/lala-pasquinelli-the-only-argentine-on-the-bbcs100-women-2023-list

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Ojala, M. & Ripatti-Torniainen, L. (2024). Where is the public of ‘networked publics’?: A critical analysis of the theoretical limitations of online publics research. European Journal of Communication, 39 (2), 145-160. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323123121020

Papacharissi, Z. & Taylor Trevey, M. (2018). Affective publics and windows of opportunity: Social media and the potential for social change. In G. Meikle (Ed.), The Routledge Companion to Media and Activism (1st ed.,pp. 87-96). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315475059

Sousa Dias, G. (2022, December, 21). Volvió la campaña “Hermana, soltá la panza”: ahora va por las fotos en las que no queremos salir (The campaign ‘Sister, stop sucking in your tummy’ is back: now it strikes the photos in which we don’t want to appear). Infobae. https://www.infobae.com/sociedad/2022/12/22/volvio-la-campana-hermana-solta-la-panza-ahora-va-por-las-fotos-en-las-que-no-queremos-salir/

(2023, November 21). BBC 100 Women 2023: Who is on the list this year?. BBC. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/resources/idt-02d9060e-15dc-426c-bfe0-86a6437e5234