Abstract: Traditionally, the role of the media in a democratic country is to serve as the fourth estate, where it acts as a watchdog on the government’s power and as a spotlight on matters of public interest, (Butler, 2018). Yet, in authoritarian countries the mainstream media is often controlled by the state or dominated by heavy censorship and regulations. This usually means most critical commentary is aggressively suppressed. However, this essay will argue that social media has provided citizens in authoritarian states with an alternative platform to voice dissidence and influence social change. Specifically, it will focus on the role of social media in China, Cambodia, and Vietnam, and how online networks have been successful in creating social progress.

 

China

As well as pursuing economic growth, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is also obsessed with stability maintenance or “weiwen,” (Yang, 2017). Weiwen is a pre-emptive strategy which aims to stop mass resistance to the party. This is mainly done through the state’s propaganda department which oversees China’s media. China ranks 179th/180 in the Reporters without Borders’ world media freedom index. According to the RSF, “the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is the world’s largest prison for journalists, and its regime conducts a campaign of repression against journalism and the right to information worldwide. The media’s function is to be the party’s mouthpiece and to impart state propaganda,” (RSF 2023).

The propaganda department has also developed a multi-faceted surveillance system known as The Great Firewall of China, which monitors online networks and censors them in real time, (Meikle, 2018). Heavy state regulations ensure that all internet publications of any kind must be licensed and work in tandem with the state authorities, (Meikle, 2018).

 

Despite this, there has been a surge of social media in China over the last decade, particularly in self-made media or “We Media,” (Meikle, 2018). It is dominated by three platforms. WeChat, Ozone, and Sina Weibo, which are used by 86 per cent, 68 per cent, and 37 per cent of the online population respectively. In 2017, the government announced the State Provisions on the Management of Internet Search Services. This was a complete overhaul of censorship laws which targeted online information publishing. One of the primary goals was to crack down on social media in China, (Meikle, 2018). Immediately after the laws were passed, hundreds of We Media accounts were terminated for reasons such as “dissipating low taste,” “propagating vulgarity, “and “breaking legal statutes,” (Meikle, 2018).

(Meikle, 2018), suggests “this latest development serves as a reminder that the Sword of Damocles can fall on practitioners of We Media at the mercy of state censors at any time if they veer into the unbeaten path.”

 

Despite the draconian censorship, We Media has still been effective as a platform for grassroot activism in China. Individuals have still been able to cleverly coordinate and collaborate to expose the wrongdoings of the government, (Meikle, 2018). While the regulations have been successful in restricting isolated dissent, it has struggled to cope with a widespread shift in mentality and lifestyle. “Social media thrives almost exclusively on mass  users,  and  its  culture  and  technological implementation shift the dynamics of information production and consumption to favour the users,” (Meikle, 2018). The sheer quantity of online dissent can prove to be a challenge for censorship authorities.

In addition, the Chinese culture of guanxi also favours the use of social media as a tool for activism. Guanxi focuses on the prevalence of interpersonal connections and social ties which have become more relied upon due to a general decline of trust in the Chinese society. This means there has been a tendency for one to only trust the individuals in their personal circles. As social media primarily builds on real pre-existing social networks, it has become an effective tool in facilitating discussion and recruitment to activist causes, (Meikle, 2018).

 

Activists have also come up with ingenious ways to dodge the regulations through linguistic wordplays and images which convey subtle messages of dissent, (Yang, 2017).  One example is the “empty chair” slogan in 2010. The words “empty chair” were contentious at the time, as Liu Xiaobo, a prominent Chinese writer and pro-democracy activist was prevented from accepting his Nobel peace prize as he was serving a jail sentence in his home country.  At the ceremony, the award was placed on an empty chair in his honour. While news articles about the ceremony were blocked, the phrases and images relating to the empty chair went viral on Weibo, and largely avoided censorship, (Yang, 2017).

 

Another example is the “river crab banquet” by political activist and artist Ai Weiwei in the same year, which was a globally visible event. Weiwei’s newly built art studio was set to be demolished by the government, so in retaliation, he announced a “river crab fest” in Shanghai on Twitter.  River crabs were chosen as they have long been associated with the Chinese government’s online censorship.  But before the banquet, police came to his residence in Beiling and placed him under house arrest. Despite his absence, the party went forward, as hundreds of social media users coordinated a gathering in Hangzhou where they served 10,000 river crabs to protest his arrest, (Yang, 2017). The quantity of activists proved impossible to contain by the Chinese authorities. Since then, the river crab has continued to be a well circulated meme which criticizes censorship by the government, (Yang, 2017).

 

Cambodia

Cambodia has consistently been ranked as one of the most corrupt cities in the world, (Chunly, 2020). Like China, the traditional media operates as a propaganda machine and is dominated by the ruling party and powerful economic groups. However, Facebook has become a popular platform for citizens to express their political dissent and receive uncensored information. Internet access has increased exponentially in Cambodia over the last decade. In 2009, less than one per cent of the population used the internet, which rose to almost 100 per cent by 2019, (Chunly, 2020).  Social media usage has increased subsequently, with Facebook being the most popular social media platform, used by about 60 per cent of the population. It has become a space for advocacy on social and political issues, environmental concerns, crime, social injustice and corruption. Some of these discussions have resulted in a unified collective position which has challenged the government and influenced policy.

 

In 2019, a hit and run incident which resulted in the death of 23-year-old, Dum Rida, became a viral point of discussion on Facebook. Within hours of the crash, CCTV footage of the accident was shared nearly 20,000 times and received over half a million views. It generated much controversy and public condemnation because rumours swirled that the driver of the SUV who was responsible for the crash was Yin Khunmey, the teenage daughter of a high ranking official and wealthy businessman in Cambodia, (Hutt, 2019).  Due to unrelenting public pressure, the police identified the suspect as Khunmey and ordered her to turn herself in, which she eventually obliged three days later. Khunmey was sentenced to one year in prison, however 10 months were suspended.

A common theme of the dissent on Facebook was criticism of the corrupt criminal justice system which had double standards for people of different socioeconomic class, (Chunly, 2020).

One Facebook user commented ‘‘in our Cambodia, as long as you have money, the authorities of all levels will bow down to you. Never expect justice if we don’t have money. The law was created to protect the rich and the families of those implementing the law,” (Chunly, 2020).

The viral online counter public which formed after the incident was effective in bringing about an immediate response. The “conversations exerted pressure on the authorities to investigate and arrest the suspect, organize a prison visit, hold press conferences to provide more information on the incident, and push for civil compensation to be duly and swiftly paid to the victim’s family, (Chunly, 2020). The case is evidence that when an online counter public gains a mass number of people who share similar sentiment, it is difficult for the government to ignore. These counter publics also have the potential to expand and break into the dominant public, weakening the power of the ruling party to set the agenda and shape beliefs, (Chunly, 2020).

 

Vietnam

Vietnam’s internet freedom shares a striking resemblance to China’s, (Luong, 2020). It is categorised by the West as one of the ‘enemies of media freedom.’ They have started to use Chinese software and packages to increase their censorship capacity, as well as introducing similar legislative regulations, (Sherman 2019). The 2018 cyber security law gives the government free reign to censor online discussion and even jail dissidents, (Luong, 2020). However, like in China and Cambodia, social media has still been a powerful tool in influencing political decision making. When Facebook entered Vietnam in 2007, it overtook blogging as the most popular social media platform and has become a prominent space for activism, (Luong, 2020).

 

In 2015, the public heard about a government plan to fell over 6,000 trees in the main streets of the capital. Online discussions started to swirl about the environmental and historic impacts of the plan. A Facebook page named “6,700 people for 6,700 trees” was created, which provided regular updates on the project. Prominent academics and people of influence joined the cause to stop the plan. “Tran Dang Tuan, the retired deputy general director of the state-run Vietnam Television, and Ngo Bao Chau, the first Vietnamese mathematician to win the prestigious Field Medal, wrote open letters to the Hanoi authorities calling for a brake on the project,” (Luong, 2020). The letters went viral, mounting intense pressure on the government. A number of actors, journalists, lecturers, singers, lawyers and even some mainstream media companies joined the fight to stop the plan. “Such momentum quickly morphed into real actions that manifested in the physical place. A plethora of movements like tree hugs or tree mapping, tree location identification and tree protection walks were organized by young people,” (Luong, 2020).

 

The relentless pressure eventually left the government with no choice but to respond. The Hanoi municipal administration eventually scrapped the tree felling plan completely, and punished the individuals responsible for its design, (Luong, 2020).

 

The tree cutting online movement paved the way for further successful activism via social media. In 2016 Facebook once again became a viral source of dissidence when Taiwan’s Formosa Plastics’ steel plant had a major toxic discharge which killed approximately 70 tonnes of fish, which is the food source of millions of people in Vietnam, (The Guardian, 2016). There was anger and frustration at the sluggish response from the government to deal with the country’s worst ever environmental catastrophe. The newly appointed government was desperate to appease the publics’ demands and forced Formosa to accept responsibility and fined them US $500 million in damages to compensate the affected fisherman, (Luong, 2020). Once again, Facebook proved to be a valuable tool in influencing policy and creating social change. Once the movements gained widespread support online, the government was forced to respond.

 

Conclusion

China, Cambodia, and Vietnam are all authoritarian countries with a state dominated media and heavy censorship which aggressively suppress political dissent. Despite this, activists in all three countries have successfully used social media to voice their concerns, hold their government to account, and influence social progress. The key to their success is the user-based nature of social media platforms which empowers the masses. Once an issue becomes widely prevalent and obtains a large quantity of supporters in an online network, it is extremely difficult for the government to ignore or suppress. If authoritarian governments utilise extensive firewalls such as the Great Firewall of China to sanitise social media networks, netizens can cleverly dodge censorship through linguistic wordplays and symbolic images which avoid detection. In conclusion, social media is a viable alternative to government controlled mainstream media in authoritarian states. Online networks in these countries remain a powerful tool in influencing social change.

 

References

Butler, P. (2018). A Free Press: Boisterous Watchdog of Democracy. The SAIS Review of International Affairs, 38(2), 15-22. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.2018.0012.

Chunly, S. (2020). Social media and counterpublic spheres in an authoritarian state: Exploring online political discussions among Cambodian Facebook users. Discourse, context & media, 34, 100382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dcm.2020.100382   

Hutt, S. (2019). The hit-and-run accident that captivated Cambodia. Asia Times. https://asiatimes.com/2019/04/the-hit-and-run-accident-that-captivated-cambodia/

Luong, D. (2020). Social Media’s Challenge to State Information Controls in Vietnam. In A. Sinpeng & R. Tapsell (Eds.), From Grassroots Activism to Disinformation: A Selection (pp. 145-166). ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute.             https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/05A8D8C99018C9EF4202712BC01290BB.

Meikle, G. (2018). The Routledge companion to media and activism (1st. ed.). Routledge.             https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315475059.

Reporters Without Borders. (2023). China. https://rsf.org/en/country/china.

Sherman, J. (2019, December 11). Vietnam’s Internet Control: Following in China’s Footsteps. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2019/12/vietnams-internet-control-following-in-chinas-footsteps/.

The Guardian. (2016, July 1). Vietnam blames toxic waste water from steel plant for mass fish deaths. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2016/jul/01/vietnam-blames-toxic-waste-water-fom-steel-plant-for-mass-fish-deaths.

Yang, D. L. (2017). China’s Troubled Quest for Order: Leadership, Organization and the   Contradictions of the Stability Maintenance Regime. Journal of Contemporary China,   26(103), 35-53. https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2016.1206279.