Photo by ELLA DON on Unsplash

 

With its foundations firmly linked with the online gaming community, Discord is nonetheless emerging as a powerful platform for community building, education, and social connection. With an array of platform affordances that grant users unique ways to connect with one another and express their identities, alongside inclusions that facilitate the sharing of knowledge, resources, and media artefacts, it is little wonder the platform holds broad appeal for a range of communities. Discord has, however, gained an unfortunate notoriety for its facilitating role in far-right hate events such as the Charlottesville “Unite the Right” Rally, instigating a shift in direction for the platform and a focus on attracting online fandom groups. This paper argues that this move, rather than indicating a change in culture and policy at Discord, underscores the communal nature of both groups and their innate similarities, by examining the use of Discord’s various community building affordances by both.

 

 

 

Discord, “an online, persistent group-chatting application” (Heslep, 2024) launched in 2015, has rapidly grown into a leading online communication platform, boasting over 250 million registered users as of 2019. It offers a range of free and customisable features including text, memes, audio/video calls, and file sharing. However, despite its widespread adoption, Discord’s reputation was marred by its association with hate speech. It became known as a gathering place for alt-right and white nationalist groups to organise, disseminate hateful content, and recruit members. Scholars such as Kim et al (2023) highlighted Discord’s role in fostering “white male sociability,” (Chapman & Brunsma, 2020) providing a virtual space for the reinforcement of racial ideologies under the guise of harmless interaction. Nonetheless, Discord is increasingly being embraced by educators, businesses, and various interest groups, most notably, a diverse range of online fandoms, such as the r/Zelda fandom where users “hierarchies and intimacies” are formed based on Discord’s affordances (Kocik et al., n.d.)

 

Discord’s capacity to foster “thin” communities that are both “pervasive” and “persistent” makes it an ideal platform for the seemingly at odds needs of fandoms vs hate groups and their coexistence on Discord underscores the platform’s effective affordances in fostering a “sense of belonging” (Delanty, 2018), facilitating “networked collectivism” (Baym, 2007), and cultivating a participatory culture among its members, in Discord’s closed groups (known as “servers”) built on “categorical identity” (Delanty, 2018), requisite to the needs of hate groups and fandoms alike. Discord has consciously broadened the appeal of the platform and made moves to improve moderation to some success however, contrasting the draw of the platform to fandoms vs hate groups demonstrates that online hate groups mimic principles of community building found in other digital communities, an observation imperative to understanding the pervasive and ongoing appeal of such groups.

 

Discord Functionalities:

 

Discord originated as a gaming platform in 2015, created by Jason Citron and Stanislav Vishnevskiy (Oakford et al., 2023), and has proven itself to have an unlikely capacity for community building, thanks to the affordances of the platform and the ways these support the presentation of identity and facilitate connection. Initially intended for gamers to communicate while playing, it offers voice chat, text messaging, and community features. For some, Discord’s appeal lay in its privacy-conscious approach. Instead of monetising user data, Discord continues to generate revenue via subscriptions like “Discord Nitro” and “Server Boosts,” offering enhanced features such as custom emojis and improved streaming quality at a cost (Kocik et al., n.d.).

 

Over time, Discord’s appeal expanded beyond gaming to encompass broader social and interest-based communities. In Delanty’s (2018) discussion of Calhoun (1988) the basis for such groups is explained as “categorical identities” that is where membership is based on a shared interest, with groups that link members with similar tastes described as “thin”, only able to strengthen existing realities, and incapable of genuine innovation (Delanty, 2018). The appeal of the platform to these communities can be linked to the affordances it offers that foster a sense of belonging. Custom “emotes” allow users to create unique reaction emojis specific to the server they’re in, often based on inside jokes or the Discord’s theme (Hull and Pettit, 2021). Another aspect contributing to this sense of belonging is the use of roles on Discord. These roles, such as moderators or role players, signify various aspects such as organisational structure, user expertise, or contribution levels. Assigned to individual users, these digital tokens are visible within the server and can grant privileges or express identity details like preferred pronouns, shaping users’ identities within the community and fostering inclusivity.

 

As a social media platform with its genesis in the gaming community, rapid fire communication, whether via voice or text is fundamental to Discord’s functionality, particularly where audiences may shift in and out of the space constantly (Johnson & Salter, 2022). “Pervasive” awareness (Hampton, 2016), facilitated by digital communication platforms such as Discord, is the understanding of occurrences within one’s social circles in everyday life. It develops from short, back-and-forth online exchanges where people communicate with others, allowing them to share and keep tabs on various topics, ranging from small talk to more important discussions. As connections with other members are sustained over time they become regarded as “persistent” (Hampton, 2016). Hampton contends that the persistent and pervasive awareness facilitated by social media can engender a deeper commitment amongst network members which can result in collective action built on the common knowledge of the group.

 

Hate Speech on Discord:

 

With members drawn in by its lax privacy policies and connected by the ability to socialise, chat, share media artefacts, and plan through the affordances of searchable and organised channels, Discord has held an uncomfortable association with right wing extremists (Oakford, 2023). This reputation follows its use in planning the 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, and its heavy use by white supremacists. In response to its part in this event, and the resulting reputation, Discord banned such groups, formed a trust and safety team, and took active steps towards broadening its user base. However, its privacy-focused approach has found it susceptible to ongoing misuse. Discord’s reliance on user reporting and volunteer moderators hinders effective oversight and its balance between privacy and moderation has faced criticism, especially following incidents like the January 6 Capitol attack (Oakford, 2023). Despite initiatives to improve moderation, discontinuing programs has raised concerns about Discord’s commitment to safety.

 

Addressing hate within social media communities broadly Walther (2022) cites the interpersonal considerations imperative when addressing online hate, promoting a “social approval” lens through which to view these activities. This interpretation reduces the target of hateful online rhetoric as the primary motivator for engaging in such behaviour and instead investigates group dynamics, and a perceived social reward and bonded relationship, specifically for taking part in public acts of hatred. With the capacity to build persistent and pervasive connection, the ability to convey personalised reactions through bespoke “emotes” and the affordance of server “roles” to shape identity there emerges an indication of how Discord provides a platform where social approval for online hate can be bestowed, thus perpetuating behaviours within a private and closed server. Another motivation cited for such behaviour is “malevolent creativity” (de Saint Laurent, 2020) whereby collective expression of linguistically creative content is used for “building community” and to identify participants in an online echo chamber of hatred.

 

Delanty’s (2018) idea of “categorical identity” shows how people identify with a particular group based on shared interests. In online discussions, this can lead to echo chambers (Donis, 2021) where shared beliefs amplify in the absence of competing ones. Hate speech often takes advantage of these group identities, targeting marginalised communities, inflaming social divisions and reinforcing prejudice. So, Delanty’s concept highlights how group dynamics contribute to spreading discriminatory language and ideas online. Recognising its appeal to groups built around a “categorical identity”, Discord, aiming to rebrand and distance itself from past associations with hate groups, increasingly relies on celebrities and influencers, evident in the now-deleted “Discord: The Movie” promotional. This marketing strategy underscores Discord’s acknowledgment of the crucial role fandom and fan-driven organisation play in its platform’s success. (Kocik et al., N.D.)

 

Fandoms on Discord:

 

Like members engaged in hate speech on the platform, Discord’s features draw in members of fandoms, who wish to share related media, engage in indexed conversation, and connect around categorical identities. The platform allows members of servers to establish hierarchies and foster intimacy through roles that are designated by server moderators and denote an array of identities, and channels which delineate conversation topics and aid in discoverability, in turn facilitating the regulation of conversations and the creation of exclusive spaces. In contrast to platforms like Twitter and Tumblr, Discord explicitly structures power dynamics through these server roles, where influence is tied to defined roles rather than post reach and engagement. Role permissions govern user actions, enabling power distribution within servers and fostering intimacy among users of similar stature. Taking the r/Zelda server as a case study, we see users move through roles by earning experience points through interactions. These roles, which are explicitly tied to Legend of Zelda games and characters, demonstrate to other members ongoing interactions and in doing so, contribute to the sense of community within the server (Kocik, n.d.). Higher-ranked members earn recognition and privileges, shaping the dynamics of conversation, features, and channels accessible to all members, and ultimately shaping the intimate communities that thrive within the server (Kocik, n.d.).

 

Online fandoms harness knowledge and shape individual self-perceptions and presentations within their groups, with some members gaining recognition among fellow fans, and fostering personal connections. Shared identities develop within these communities, where interpersonal relationships flourish (Baym, 2007). The community building that takes place in these groups exemplifies Jenkins’ (2009) conception of a participatory culture. Like hate groups, members of fandoms derive a worth and identity from the group setting through the manufacture and sharing of creative digital artefacts. Whilst in hate groups these might take the forms of memes, fandoms see this expressed through art, fan fiction, cosplay and so on. Jenkins contends that a participatory culture offers low barriers to artistic expression. The bonds and relationships that the sharing of such endeavours engender are, like in hate groups, cited as Jenkins as social connections that demonstrate an interest in the contributions of others.

 

Hate and Community:

 

Virtual communities like Discord, bring together individuals anonymously, fostering a unique form of social interaction built around interests or “categorical identity” that has the capacity to create a new sense of intimacy (Delanty, 2018). These communities, unlike traditional ones, are characterised by their fragility or “thinness” and reliance on strangers rather than established ties. Nonetheless, they have the potential to reinforce social and political realities by connecting like-minded individuals (Delanty, 2018) and encourage Jenkin’s notion of “participatory culture”. The notion of “participatory culture is an important factor in understanding how hate groups flourish under many of the same conditions as other online communities. A participatory culture is one in with members encounter few obstacles to their ability to engage in discourse or expression, where members will encourage the work of others, where an informal leadership structure exists, and where members experience a degree of social connection, and Jenkins identifies these as key factors of a community building. Walther’s social approval lens for online hatred, coupled with the affordances of Discord in providing a low barrier to entry into groups perpetuating hate, and the propensity for such group to trade in cultural artefacts, demonstrate hate groups as existing as participatory cultures, in much the same way that a fandom such as r/Zelda does with its shared creative expression and leadership structure.

 

In a discussion of Swedish Indie Fandom, Baym (2007) explains networked collectivism as consisting of “loose collectives of associated individuals” who have connected around the ability to share a variety of materials “including text, music, video, and photographs in real time and asynchronously”. This is a description that relates comfortably to both the fandoms such as r/Zelda which exists on Discord and equally those individuals who participated on Discord servers which perpetuated hate speech. A broader definition of this theory goes that networked collectivism refers to a collaborative form of action or engagement facilitated by digital networks, particularly the internet. It involves individuals coming together online to achieve common goals, share resources, and collectively work towards a shared purpose. Unlike traditional forms of collectivism that may be based on physical proximity, networked collectivism relies on digital platforms to connect individuals across geographical and social boundaries. This again demonstrates the similarity between fandoms and hate groups in their expression, formation, and requirements.

 

Discord’s evolution from a gaming platform to a diverse online community hub is indicative of its capacity to accommodate a variety of interests and needs. Its functionalities have fostered both positive and negative interactions, notable amongst these, the r/Zelda fandom and members of far-right hate groups, both instances highlighting the platform’s ability to facilitate networked collectives. Through its affordances, Discord enables the formation of “thin” communities centered around shared interests, fostering a sense of belonging and participatory culture among its users.

 

Delanty’s concept of “categorical identity” explains how Discord users form connections based on shared interests, contributing to the creation of intimate online communities. Yet, this same principle can also perpetuate echo chambers and facilitate the spread of hate speech, evidenced by the platform’s association with extremist groups. Walther’s social approval lens provides insight into the motivations behind online hate, revealing the role of group dynamics and perceived social rewards in fostering such behavior, this too echoed in the behaviours of members of online fandoms such as the r/Zelda on Discord.

 

Although Discord was originally embraced by the online gaming community, it has proven to be a versatile platform for creating communities, with the ability to facilitate learning, and foster social connections. Offering a range of features that allow users to interact, express themselves, and share content, Discord appeals to a wide range of groups. However, its involvement in the organising of events linked to far-right extremism, like the Charlottesville rally, led to a change in focus towards attracting online fandoms. This shift suggests that both gaming and fandom communities share similar elements in how they form, and function internally, as well as intrinsic motivators, as they utilise Discord’s features for community building and interaction.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

References:

 

 

 

Baym, N. K. (2007). The new shape of online community: The example of Swedish independent music fandom. First Monday, 12(8). Retrieved from http://firstmonday.org/issues/issue12_8/baym/index.html

 

de Saint Laurent, C., Glaveanu, V., & Chaudet, C. (2020). Malevolent Creativity and Social Media: Creating Anti-immigration Communities on Twitter. Creativity Research Journal, 32(1), 66–80. https://doi.org/10.1080/10400419.2020.1712164

 

 

Donis, L. (2021, April 25). How filter bubbles and echo chambers reinforce negative beliefs and spread misinformation through social media. In Debating Communities and Networks XII Conference: Communities and Social Media. Retrieved from https://networkconference.netstudies.org/2021/2021/04/25/how-filter-bubbles-and-echo-chambers-reinforce-negative-beliefs-and-spread-misinformation-through-social-media/

 

Glaser, A. (2018, October 9). White supremacists still have a safe space online. Slate. https://slate.com/technology/2018/10/discord-safe-space-white-supremacists.html

 

 

Hampton, K. N. (2016). Persistent and pervasive community: New communication technologies and the future of community. American Behavioral Scientist, 60(1), 101-124. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764215601714.

 

 

Heslep, D. G., & Berge, P. (2024). Mapping Discord’s darkside: Distributed hate networks on Disboard. New Media & Society, 26(1), 534-555. https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448211062548

 

 

Hull, K., & Pettit, C. (2021). Making community through the utilization of Discord in a (suddenly) online writing center. The Peer Review: International Writing Centers Association Journal, 5(2). Retrieved from https://thepeerreview-iwca.org/issues/issue-5-2/making-community-through-the-utilization-of-discord-in-a-suddenly-online-writing-center/

 

 

Jenkins, H. (2009). Confronting the challenges of participatory culture: Media education for the 21st century. The MIT Press.

 

 

Johnson, E. K., & Salter, A. (2022). Embracing discord? The rhetorical consequences of gaming platforms as classrooms. Computers and Composition, 65, 102729. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.compcom.2022.102729

 

 

Kim, J. W., Lellock, J. S., & Brunsma, D. L. (2023). Whiteness as a Social Lounge: The Case of White Supremacy and Discord Communities. Sociation, 22(1), 21-31. https://sociation.ncsociologyassoc.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/sociallounge_proof_final.pdf

 

Kocik, D., Berge, P. S., Butera, C., Oon, C., & Senters, M. (n.d.). “Imagine a place”: Power and intimacy in fandoms on Discord. Transformative Works and Cultures, 0. Retrieved from https://journal.transformativeworks.org/index.php/twc/article/view/2497/3139

 

Oakford, S., Dehghanpoor, C., O’Donnell, J., & Harris, S. (2023, December 12). ‘Problematic pockets’: How Discord became a home for extremists. The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/12/12/discord-app-extremism/

 

Walther, J. B. (2022). Social media and online hate. Current Opinion in Psychology, 45, 101298. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2021.12.010