How e-cultural communities preserve identity amongst diasporic peoples
Abstract
This paper argues that social media communities serve as an essential form of support for diasporic individuals as they negotiate life external to their homelands. It shows that cultural identity and personal identity are intertwined, both being served by the preservation and use of indigenous language. Furthermore, social media communities serve to unify multi-layered transnational cultures through everyday communication and explanation of rituals and traditions. This preservation of culture is especially significant for stateless nations and other scattered cultures, as it can serve to chronicle culture for future generations who have been born and lived their lives within other societies.
Introduction
When migrants or refugees are uprooted from their birth culture, they rely on pre-established communities for support as they adapt to societies comprising different dominant cultures from their own (Hossain & Veenstra, 2017). While assimilation and adopting new language and customs can help emigrants adjust to a new environment, maintaining strong ties with their culture helps mitigate the “culture shock” which occurs after being exposed to a foreign environment. Migrants-by-choice may use social media platforms to connect with other users from their culture, thus strengthening their own identity and mitigating loss of cultural identity as they begin to immerse themselves in an alien culture, language and social networks (Papacharissi, 2018). Social media facilitates this transnational communication, enabling users to connect without boundaries around time and place (Hossain & Veenstra, 2017). Furthermore, diasporas consisting of expatriate workers, political refugees, and those of transnational cultural origin such as Uyghur or Khurdish peoples, may contend with the additional desire to keep their unique culture alive. These migrants without a homeland can create e-cultures dedicated to preserving their culture through storytelling, language and customs. Diasporic individuals utilise e-cultural communities on social media to strengthen their cultural identity, inform personal identity and support social resistance.
e-Cultural communities
Diasporic individuals utilise networks of e-culture communities on social media to preserve relationships from within their country of origin as they settle in a foreign land (Lam & Warriner, 2012). Wellman (2001) defines communities as “networks of interpersonal ties that provide sociability, support, information, a sense of belonging and social identity” (p. 228). Thus, communication via social media communities can support diasporic people by “reducing the degree of alienation and cultural mourning” as they adapt to life in a foreign environment (Schlossberg, 1989, as cited in Plaza & Below, 2014). As emigrants integrate into their new environment, they connect with local communities in addition to those from their homeland. This notion of “networked individualism” or the “networked self”, where the individual sits within a web of ever-changing social networks, has enabled migrants and refugees whose lives have disconnected from familiar places and social groups, to engage in these new networks by choice rather than being bound to local groups in the same time and physical space (Wellman et al., 2002, p. 9; Quan-Haase & McCay-Peel, 2017; Papacharissi, 2018, p. 2).
Cultural and personal identity
Diasporic individuals utilise e-cultural communities to strengthen their cultural identity and these social media communities support the maintenance of cultural and personal identity when emigrants move away from their homelands (NurMuhammad et al., 2014). The communities may exist either physically or online, the main purpose being to create a “strong embeddedness in the home culture, helping expatriates affirm their home-culture identity” (Mao & Shen, 2015, p. 1545). When individuals identify as belonging to a culture, they identify with the values of that culture and feel a “solidarity [and] affection” for others within the group (Wren, 2002, p. 235). The cultural communities may be global in nature, allowing for a broad range of lived experience but with the commonality of language, ethnicity and “transnational political ideologies” (NurMuhammad et al, p. 485, 2016).
Furthermore, a diasporic individual may choose to build their personal identity by embedding themselves within networks of people who exhibit similar identities. Thus, one type of identity, cultural identity, is formed within individuals as they engage with others from a similar cultural background in “dense, redundant network[s] so that sufficient trust and support can be built” (Mao and Shen, p 1545, 2015). These close relationships are built over time, resulting from repeated interactions between community members. Social media nullifies the relationship barriers of time and space for dispersed communities, enabling community members the choice to interact often and in a mode which is public to other community members.
The affordances of social media platforms are of particular benefit to transnational or displaced cultural groups such as the Khurds from the Middle East and Asia Minor or the Uyghur from Western China. NurMuhammad et al. (2016) present the Uyghur as an example of a diasporic community which has flourished on social media, specifically Facebook. The authors postulate that networks built on social media have allowed for a “reinvigoration [ of the] Uyghur diaspora … ethnic and political identities” (p. 488). Another displaced group, Sahrawi refugees from Western Sahara, use platforms such as Facebook, along with mobile technology, to maintain contact with physical communities they have left behind, in addition to those who have dispersed from the northern African refugee camps (Almenara-Niebla & Ascanio-Sánchez, 2020). Familial roles are maintained by these repeated transnational communications, but the relationships can evolve over time as diasporic members are influenced by the culture in which they have resettled.
The Pacific Islands: a unique case
Several Pacific Island nations present unique diasporas as there may be more people from a culture living externally to the home nation than within the country. These digital diasporic cultures use social media as a platform through which their cultural identity is expressed via “distinct cultural practices [which are] reconstituted and structured through digital ritual engagement and participation” (Burroughs & Ka’ili, 2015). Such is the case with the nation of Tonga where social media communities serve as key hubs through which Tongan cultural identity is positioned (Burrough & Ka’ili, 2015). In this instance, these e-communities replace the physical homeland and create a third space, an online homeland with the inherent rituals, language and social practices of the physical homeland. Furthermore, with the majority of Rotumans residing away from their island home, Rotuman Fijian citizens and Rotuman diasporic people also meet in Facebook cultural homelands as they attempt to reinvigorate their cultural identity (Titifanue et al., 2018). Language, storytelling and rituals remain central to Rotuman identity and communities such as ‘Rotumans on Facebook’ connect and encourage diasporic Rotumans to reconnect with their Rotuman heritage (Titifanue et al., 2018).
Language and identity
Diasporic individuals utilise e-cultural communities on social media to strengthen their cultural identity by communicating in the language of their birth. Language is an integral part of personal and cultural identity, and Hossain and Veenstra (2017) report on a 2014 study of South Asian-born people living in the United States of America, saying that participants felt most connected with others on social media when they were able to converse in their own language. So too, members of the Chinese diaspora living in Australia tend to identify themselves as “Chinese living in Australia” (Yu & Sun, 2019, p. 21). They socialise on Chinese-language platforms such as WeChat, in addition to ‘Western’ platforms such as YouTube, Instagram and Facebook, which enables them to use social media as a tool to gather information and socialise within old and new communities.
Second-generation diasporans can be particularly adept at moving between cultural homeland communities and communities of people from the land of their birth, identifying with both cultures simultaneously and displaying their identity with both cultures via language, in this case two or more languages (Canagarajah & Silberstein, 2012). Thus, multilingualism is symbolic of the complexity of diasporas as multigenerational community members progressively integrate into host societies. Canagarajah and Silberstein (2012) relate how “second generation [Greek migrants in Aotearoa/New Zealand] adopt a more critical positioning towards the diaspora”, as they also identify with both communities, creating a complex web of personal interactions within society (p. 83). According to Vancea and Olivera (2013) transnational community members who are simultaneously connected to more than one culture don’t generally leave their home culture behind as they are able to access aspects of this culture, such as photos of ‘home’, food and language, via social media communities on a continual basis (Vancea & Olivera, 2013). Furthermore, new migrants begin to establish connections in the host country, thus widening their online network and possibly becoming multilingual themselves as they adapt to the dominant culture (Anagarajah & Silberstein, 2012). These new communities can aid individuals as they acclimitise to their environment, providing information on such practical matters as employment and social services and even extending to new social contacts (Hossain & Veenstra, 2017).
A milieu of cultures and social activism
Far from being monocultural, diasporic communities are comprised of individuals who are influenced by multiple cultures and communities. Individuals from these communities live in different time zones and cultural milieux while gathering on social media to strengthen and maintain their homeland cultural ties. An individual’s cultural affiliation can also evolve over time. As a diasporic individual becomes more embedded in the new culture, they may become less embedded in the culture of their homeland, taking on a more pluralistic identity (Mao and Shen, 2015; Lam et al., 2012). Such is the case with some Sahrawis youth who travel to study internationally and have been influenced by communities external to the Sahrawis culture. This has had a significant impact on the everyday behaviours of these individuals which sometimes leads to culture clashes when students, who are exposed to more ‘permissive’ cultures, return to visit their home refugee camps (Almenara-Niebla & Ascanio-Sánchez, 2020).
In addition, subcultures such as those of certain sexual preferences and others who support women’s rights, can experience a sense of alienation from their wider diasporic cultural connections. Tension points and “context collapse” may occur as an individual is unable to reveal their day-to-day interactions in a transparent manner when they have not identified their sexual or social preference openly (Marwick & boyd, 2011, p. 122). Dhoest (2016) reports that LGBTQ+ migrants living in Belgium may experience a sense of estrangement from their home culture as they carefully negotiate their identity on social media platforms such as Facebook due to “tensions at the intersection of their ethnic-cultural and sexual identification” (p. 41). Those originating from homophobic home cultures may live dual lives online, using a pseudonym for their ‘gay’ Facebook profile and community activity, while using their given names to create an identity under which they feel free to interact with other diasporic and family members (Dhoest, 2016). Likewise, some Sahari women have created Facebook communities to share their stories and challenge the gendered social norms of their home culture. This is particularly relevant for those women who have resettled in European countries and whose identities have evolved over time as they became more embedded in the cultural norms of their Western host country (Almenara-Niebla & Ascanio-Sánchez, 2020). Some young Sahrawi women living in Catalonia, Spain, have also created pseudonomic profiles on Facebook so they can openly debate feminist issues in online communities without fear of repercussion from their ‘home’ community (Almenara-Niebla & Ascanio-Sánchez, 2020). The subterranean strategies of these “refracted publics” is displayed in one Facebook group which offers members a safe space to address “gender inequalities”, while hashtags such as #IamNotLessSahrawi (English translation) are used to publicise the social cause online outside of these safe Facebook communities (Abidin, 2021; Almenara-Niebla & Ascanio-Sánchez, 2020, p. 778).
Candidatu & Ponzansei (2022) suggest that despite different internal factions, diasporas are bound together by certain commonalities and consist of “shared vulnerabilities and oppressions” in addition to “common visions and possibilities of solidarity” (p. 265). Relationships are underpinned by a common loss of homeland and a quest to reaffirm identity as a member of a culture. Diasporic people are alienated to some degree from their homeland and often rely upon digital platforms, such as social media, to remain connected to the familiar. They use social media to build and maintain relationships with those from the same culture, sometimes by sharing the mundane, everyday aspects of their lives and sharing gossip to sustain social relations online as it “strengthens the sense of belonging” (Almenara-Niebla & Ascanio-Sánchez, 2020). Social media functions as the vehicle through which interactions between diasporic citizens can occur, and this new “transnational identity” reflects the original practices and values implicit in the homeland culture and builds “new hybrid [communities] of belonging” (Candidatu & Ponzansei, 2022, pp. 263-264).
Conclusion
A common theme throughout diasporic communities is the use of social media to retain connections with homeland contacts in addition to others from the diaspora. Cultural communities are essentially ‘multicultural’, comprised of people with different lifestyles and beliefs, thus conflict can arise when belief systems clash online. Migrants, refugees and expatriates maintain their cultural and, thus, their personal identity when they engage with compatriates in networked cultural e-communities. Maintaining cultural identity is key to preventing loss of personal identity. Furthermore, the use of a diasporan’s native language within social media communities contributes significantly to maintaining identity and providing emotional support as community members transition into a new society. The concept of e-cultural communities hosting homeland cultural practices and traditions is particularly apt for transnational cultures without a homeland, or those for whom most ‘citizens’ live externally to the home country. In these instances, social media communities provide an essential connection with culture. Perpetual traces of data within social media communities will remain to act as portals for future second- or third-generation diasporans as they seek to learn more about their ancestral culture.
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Hi L, The thing is the paper is mainly concentrated on the African continent particularly.If you make an analysis of…