Introduction

Over the next decade and beyond, internet users will be increasingly likely to use portable devices such as mobile phones to connect to the internet. Indeed, experts contributing to the 2008 Pew/Internet report concluded that by 2020 mobile devices will be the primary way that most people connect to the internet (Anderson and Rainie, 2008).  Web-friendly smart phones and new devices such as the iPad tablet are also making it much easier to access the mobile internet. Coupled with this, mobile internet devices are increasingly becoming part of our identity – they are a tool for staying in touch with family and friends, and also a valued device for finding and sharing information, often with large networks. What then, are some of the likely social implications arising from people increasingly having a take-anywhere, always-on, internet connection?

This paper argues that certain features of mobile communication devices diminish the strength of ‘strong interpersonal ties’, as outlined by Granovetter (1973).  In particular, the paper suggests that the mobile internet weakens the strength of ties for people with whom we regularly have face‑to-face contact, such as close friends and family. For the purposes of this paper, the ‘mobile internet’ includes using mobile phones and laptops with wi-fi connection to access email, send instant messages, browse websites, and use social network and micro blogging tools such as Facebook and Twitter.

The paper focuses on face-to-face interactions because there appear to be characteristics of mobile devices that particularly impact on those who are co-present with mobile users.  Indeed, the paper suggests that a ubiquitous mobile internet is likely to diminish the strength of our face-to-face relationships; because time spent using the mobile internet is likely to help us cultivate networks of weak ties, at the expense of strong ties with those who are co-present.

Lessons from mobile phone use

To begin, we will consider features of mobile phones that are relevant to our use of the mobile internet. Perhaps the most important feature is that mobile phones allow us to be in ‘perpetual contact’ (Katz and Aakhus, 2002).  Mobile phones allow people to be permanently contactable at almost any time or place, whether at work, at home, or in a public place. As a consequence, one impact of mobile connectivity has been to blur distinctions between the private and public spheres of people’s lives. For example, Prasopoulou, Pouloudi and Panteli (2006) found that the intrusive character of mobile phones led to a blending of work and private time. This finding is supported by Middleton and Cukier (2006) and Castells (2007), who noted that mobile technologies make it difficult for some to maintain boundaries between their work and private lives.

Prasopoulou, Pouloudi and Panteli (2006) particularly focused on how mobile phones impact on our ability to determine how we spend our time. They found that mobile phones ‘upset the temporal order’ because contact is more random, which prevents people from placing definite ‘temporal boundaries’ around their activities (Prasopoulou, Pouloudi and Panteli, 2006, 280).

The same observation can be made for use of the mobile internet more generally. That is, when we have mobile access to email, social networking and micro blogging applications, we make ourselves continually available and by doing so – consciously or inadvertently – give up some control on how we use our time. For example, mobile internet connectivity leads employers to expect employees to deliver a wider range of mobile tasks, beyond making phone calls and answering emails.

Mobile phones also impact on our use of public and private space, with various studies reporting on how use of mobile phones can disrupt public spaces. For example, Plant (2001) reported that the need to answer a ringing mobile phone was a distraction that often took precedence over maintaining face-to-face conversation. Interestingly, Plant found that even a silent mobile could be a distraction, because of the possibility that someone may call.  This supports the observations noted above by Prasopoulou et al regarding the loss of control over our time. Plant also found that the mobile phone could have a disempowering effect on those co-present with a mobile phone user, because of a ‘… risk that people who are present at the time will feel abandoned by the person who has answered the mobile, and in so doing has opted to be answerable to the device rather than to them’ (Plant, 2001, p. 31).

When in use, mobile devices are even more likely to distance people from those around them. For example, Fortunati (2002) found that mobile phone users paid limited attention to others around them during phone calls. Indeed, the intrusive impact of mobile devices on intimate spaces appears increasingly taken for granted. Gergen (2002) discusses this as a manifestation of ‘absent presence’ – where people are physically present with others, but have their attention diverted by other technologies such as mobile phones. While Gergen concluded that mobile phone use is likely to strengthen one-to-one relationships, and so diminish the problem of absent presence, he also considered that expanding the functionality of mobiles to include internet access would heighten the problem of absent presence:

We can anticipate the development of a cell phone that will function like a small computer, enabling access to the Internet and the world wide web. One will be able to exchange e-mail, listen to music, or read the latest zine. With this inevitable tendency towards expanding the functions of the instrument, absent presence of the exogenous variety will only be intensified. (Gergen, 2002, p. 240)

This suggests that some positive aspects of mobile devices that may enhance strong ties (such as voice calls) could be offset by increasing use of internet applications that favour one-to-many communication, such as microblogging and social networking tools.

In addition to accessing the internet, today’s mobile devices typically have a range of other functions, including playing games and listening to music. These functions can also have an impact on our relationships with those around us. For example, Ito, Okabe and Anderson (2009) engaged in a broader study of the impact of mobile devices, including media players, in public spaces. They found that mobile media can have a ‘cocooning effect’ that allows users to personalise public space but also allows them to refrain from engaging with others around them.

Almost all of our research participants carried around devices and media that were meant to create a cocoon that sheltered them from engagement with the physical location and co-present others – a private territory within the confines of urban space. Mobile phones can function as a cocooning technology, such as when people send text messages or browse the web when they are alone in places like trains and cafes. Portable media devices of various kinds, however, are more emblematic of this kind of social function in that they are explicitly carried to provide a focus of attention that shelters an individual from local social and spatial interactions. (Ito, Okabe and Anderson, 2009, p. 74).

This broader study by Ito, Okabe and Anderson is particularly relevant because devices for connecting to the mobile internet typically combine features of mobile phones and other media players. Thus, the observation that these types of technology help people to disengage socially in public places should also be an expected feature of the mobile internet. While some of this behaviour may be contextual – for example, as a way of passing time while commuting on a train or waiting in line – mobile devices are nevertheless an aid to ‘privatising’ public space. Indeed, one possibility could be that as these devices are becoming more ubiquitous, such ‘anti-social’ uses are becoming increasingly accepted as normal.

Ling (2004) also found that mobile phone use may lead to people withdrawing from the public sphere – not necessarily completely, but often to be ‘minimally social’.  Ling also observed that mobile devices can create ‘virtual walled communities’, where people place great importance on the needs of mobile phone groups, often at the expense of others so that ‘… the parochial concerns of the group can be magnified and thus played out with more intensity than otherwise. At the same time, we become unavailable to those who are copresent’ (Ling, 2004, p. 190).

While use of mobile email or browsing is not disruptive in the same way as a ringing phone, its use can nevertheless shut off people from those around them. Indeed, the silent nature of mobile browsers can provide an advantage to those seeking to withdraw socially from those around them, because they can appear to remain in social contact while disengaging from social interaction.

Non-voice uses of mobile phones can shed light on possible implications of the mobile internet. For example, Middleton and Cukier (2006) studied the use of mobile email and identified a number of dysfunctional usage patterns. These included anti-social behaviour – ‘… almost everyone reported attending meetings where others were more engaged with their devices than with those in the meeting room … ’ – and distraction caused by frequent interruptions from buzzing devices (Middleton and Cukier, 2006, p. 255).  As noted above, Middleton and Cukier also found that mobile email use infringes on the ability to maintain work-life boundaries.

Middleton and Cukier also observed that users typically rationalised behaviour that might otherwise appear dysfunctional. They concluded that this is likely because ‘connectedness’ is seen to be an asset that is encouraged in a competitive business environment.  Similarly, permanent availability also appears to be increasingly valued among regular users of social networking websites.

One illustration of ‘always on’ behaviour is given in an interview with Evan Falchuk, President and COO of Best Doctors, on the role of technology in achieving a work-life balance:

… It’s important to us that we spend a lot of time together as a family and also just the two of us. Technology has done a lot to make that possible. There’s a ton I can do outside of the office with technology. So while I’m taking the kids and the dog to the park, I can be Tweeting with other healthcare bloggers, poking fun at friends on Facebook, and checking out new articles and blog posts on my RSS reader… (Evan Falchuk, quoted in Silver, 2009.)

Setting aside value judgments on notions of work-life balance, the foregoing illustrates a possible change in the character of relationships with our strong ties. That is, expectations of increased connectivity may lead us to pay less attention to face-to-face contact, so that we can devote more time to our networks of weak ties.

Stone (2009) uses the term ‘continuous partial attention’ to describe such behaviour, where people are engaged in one task, but also continuously ‘… scanning the periphery to see if we are missing other opportunities’. Stone suggests that this desire to ensure that we do not ‘miss out on anything’ is likely to lead to increased stress. Access to mobile internet devices would appear to contribute to such stress, by allowing people to stay in touch with networks and to find information wherever they go.

Interestingly, this is consistent with the findings of Kraut et al (2002), who found a positive relationship between internet use and increased stress.  Kraut et al suggested that increased time spent on the internet may lead less time for other activities, which makes people ‘time poor’ and likely to perceive themselves as stressed.

People can, of course, place limits on when and how they use the mobile internet.  For example, they can choose to turn off a mobile device, or ignore incoming messages or updated tweets.  However, many have an instinctive reaction to respond to an email beep or ringing phone rather than to ignore it. In many contexts there is also an increasing expectation that people will always be available, and able to respond quickly. Ito (2005) found that these norms exist in Japan, reporting that there was a strong social expectation to respond to messages within around 30 minutes. Middleton and Cukier (2006) also noted expectations of faster response times and availability for mobile email.

Studies of internet use and personal ties

As noted above, it is increasingly difficult to separate use of mobile phones from the internet.  For example, both personal computers (PCs) and mobile devices are increasingly used to send emails. Ling and Stald (2010) examined the impact of different types of mobile and PC-based contact on the ‘intimate sphere’ (a term with a meaning similar to strong interpersonal ties). They found that face-to-face contact had the strongest impact in maintaining these relationships, as did the use of mobile phone for voice calls.  However, they also found that internet-based contact typically associated with PCs, such as email and instant messaging, detracted from maintaining the intimate sphere. Ling and Stald speculated that one reason for this is that, when using email and instant messaging:

… we are in contact with a much broader circle of weaker ties; however, the price that we pay for this broader contact is a more limited focus on our immediate sphere of friends and family. (Ling and Stald, 2010, p. 1142.)

These findings appear to counter views that increased mobile internet connectivity is per se beneficial because it allows people to communicate more (Miyata, Wellman and Boase, 2005; Wellman and Hogan, 2004).  In particular, such views appear to suggest that we see increased personal contact of any type as a good thing, without distinguishing between the ‘quality’ of different types of contact. Contrary to this, the analysis by Ling and Stald indicates that certain contact, such as a face-to-face meeting, plays a greater role in strengthening social ties than certain types of internet-based contact.

The Ling and Stald findings also reflect the dystopian view of Nie, Hillygus and Erbring (2002) on the impact of the internet on face-to-face social interactions. Nie, Hillygus and Erbring found support for ‘displacement’ approach to internet use – that is, that internet use competes with face-to-face social time. In particular, they concluded that internet use is strongly related to decreased time spent with friends and family when used at home, and when used on weekends.

Similarly, Kraut et al (1998) found that greater internet use displaced strong ties, particularly relationships with household family members, with ‘weak tie’ social relationships.  While some of these findings were later revisited (Kraut et al, 2002), they still concluded that the tie strength of on-line relationships was generally weaker than off-line relationships.  This supports the view that time spent on mobile devices that strengthens weak ties may be at the expense of face-to-face strong ties.

Although it is not possible to conclude that the mobile internet will be used in the same manner as the ‘traditional’ PC-based internet, these studies are nevertheless relevant because they raise questions about the implications for society of a trend to increased internet connectivity for society.

Conclusion

This paper has identified a number of implications from the use of mobile communication devices, in particular those arising from permanent connectivity. It suggests that a culture of always being connected can blur the distinction between work and private time, and lead to increased stress and a loss of control over how we spend our time.  Further, the use of mobile devices provides people with a shelter from engaging with others, particularly in public places. In addition, certain uses of mobile devices (such as email and messaging) appear to displace face-to-face contact. Together, this suggests that a trend to increasing mobile connectivity is likely to diminish ‘strong tie’ face-to-face relationships in our society.

References

Anderson, J., & Rainie, L. (2008). The Future of the Internet III. Pew Internet & American Life Project. Pew/Internet. Retrieved 1 April 2010 from http://www.pewinternet.org/~/media//Files/Reports/2008/PIP_FutureInternet3.pdf.pdf

Castells, M. (2007). Mobile communication and society: a global perspective. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Fortunati, L. (2002). Italy: stereotypes, true and false. In J. E. Katz & M. Aakhus (Eds.), Perpetual contact: mobile communication, private talk, public performance (pp. 42-63). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gergen, K. (2002). The challenge of absent presence. In J. E. Katz & M. Aakhus (Eds.), Perpetual contact: mobile communication, private talk, public performance (pp. 227-241). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Granovetter, M. (1973). The strength of weak ties. The American Journal of Sociology, 78(6), 1360-1380.  Retrieved 1 April 2010 from http://www.itu.dk/courses/DDKU/E2007/artikler/Granovetter-%20Weak%20Ties.pdf

Ito, M. (2005). Mobile phones, Japanese youth, and the re-placement of social contact. In R. S. LIng (Ed.), Mobile communications: re-negotiation of the social sphere. London: Springer-Verlag.

Ito, M., Okabe, D., & Anderson, K. (2009). Portable objects in three global cities: the personalization of urban places. In R. Ling, R. S. Ling, & S. W. Campbell (Eds.), The reconstruction of space and time: mobile communication practices. London: Transaction Publishers.

Katz, J. E., & Aakhus, M. (Eds.). (2002). Perpetual contact: mobile communication, private talk, public performance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Kraut, R., Patterson, M., Lundmark, V., Kiesler, S., Mukopadhyay, T., & Scherlis, W. (1998). Internet paradox: a social technology that reduces social involvement and psychological well-being? American Psychologist, 53(9), 1017-1031.

Kraut, R., Kiesler, S., Boneva, B., Cummings, J., Helgeson, V., & Crawford, A. (n.d.). Internet paradox revisited. Journal of Social Issues, 58(1), 49-74.

Ling, R. S. (2004). The mobile connection: the cell phone’s impact on society. San Fransisco: Morgan Kaufmann.

Ling, R., & Stald, G. (2010). Mobile Communities: Are We Talking About a Village, a Clan, or a Small Group? The American Behavioral Scientist, 53(8), 1133-1147.

Middleton, C. A., & Cukier, W. (2006). Is mobile email functional or dysfunctional? Two perspectives on mobile email usage. European Journal of Information Systems, 15, 252-260.

Miyata, K., Wellman, B., & Boase, J. (2005). The wired – and wireless – Japanese: webphones, PCs and social networks. In R. S. Ling (Ed.), Mobile communications: re-negotiation of the social sphere. London: Springer-Verlag.

Nie, N. H., Hillygus, D. S., & Erbring, L. (2002). Internet use, interpersonal relations, and sociability: a time diary study. In B. Wellman & C. Haythornthwaite (Eds.), The internet in everyday life (pp. 215-243). Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

Plant, S. (2001). On the mobile: the effect of mobile telephones in social and individual life. Retrieved 1 April 2010 from http://www.motorola.com/mot/doc/0/234_MotDoc.pdf

Prasopoulou, E., Pouloudi, A., & Panteli, N. (2006). Enacting new temporal boundaries: the role of mobile phones. European Journal of Information Systems, 15, 277-284.

Silver, C. (2009). Social media & family: finding the balance. WIRED – GeekDad: raising geek generation 2.0. 27 August 2009. Retrieved March 20, 2010, from http://www.wired.com/geekdad/2009/08/social-media-family-finding-the-balance/

Stone, L. (2009). Beyond simple multi-tasking: continuous partial attention. The Attention Project. Retrieved April 1, 2010, from http://lindastone.net/2009/11/30/beyond-simple-multi-tasking-continuous-partial-attention/

Wellman, B., & Hogan, B. (2004). The immanent internet. In J. McKay (Ed.), Netting Citizens. St Andrews, Scotland: University of St Andrews Press.