Video game violence has long caused debate as to whether it fosters violent attitudes in gamers as they move in the virtual world and progress out into the ‘real’ world of interaction with others. It has been stated in research that through the General Aggression Model (GAM) violent video games can increase aggression in children, young adults, males and females and even after short exposures to violent video games aggression can increase (Swing, Anderson, 2007). This assertion is backed up by the informal accounts of players who participate in online violent video games (OVVGs) and develop tendencies toward angry behavior during gameplay. This paper will focus on the immediate effects of violent gameplay on the attitudes of the player as he/she maneuvers around the virtual space and interacts with others forming and leaving relationships.
Online Violent Video Games contain violent content in the form of interactive killing, bloodshed and actions designed to harm and injure others. CounterStrike (CS) and World of Warcraft (WOW) are two examples of OVVGs with large communities surrounding their use which display aggression in the form of bullying, taunts, ‘trolling’, ‘griefing’ and stalking between players in the game space and in forums encompassing their use. Groups are formed and Clans are an important facet of team-based operation and interaction. The anonymous nature of these online games heightens the likelihood of immediate violent behavior and contributes to fierce confrontation during play in the form of angry words, threatening messages and violent outbursts during the rush of competition.
Online gaming communities present an outlet for players to express aggression and intimidate each other in the face of fierce competition. Online gamers are participating in all the thrills of personal game computing with one crucial difference – they are probing and connecting with people in many age groups, social classes and locations using text and voice over Ip (VoIP) and forming an identity based upon their interactions. With increases in technology and visual processing power video games represent a much more graphic, rich and intricate experience than any other form of interactive media available to the consumer. The immersed involvement in the virtual world is a fluid, responsive experience that is both addictive and pleasurable for anyone from the age of 2-100 (Wright et al., 2003) The connection between violence in video games and violent attitudes is well established. ‘Violence’ in this case encompasses violent general behaviors such as anger, aggression and intimidation exhibited during the course of play and in interaction with other members of the gaming community. Swing and Anderson have described the General Aggression Model (GAM) whereby ‘person’ and ’situational’ factors contribute to an internal state consisting of cognition, affect and arousal. Playing a violent video game activates scripts running in the internal state and leads to a decision process whereby the person is more likely to show aggression in a subsequent situation, with a situation occurring sooner more likely to invite a violent response.
“One of the primary concerns is the potential of violent video games to make those who play them more aggressive. This concern is particularly strong for children and adolescents, though the research literature has demonstrated that video games are capable of exerting similar effects on many age groups, including young adults, that are exposed to them (Swing, Anderson, 2007 p3). “
Repeated encounters with violence and aggression may produce long-term changes in a person’s ability to react sensitively to violence or inhibit aggressive tendencies. For a regular gamer, this presents the problem of an in-grained tendency toward violence in play. The US Army uses OVVGs to train marines in team work, coordination and communication in a violent context as a form of ‘acclimatizing’ soldiers to the idea of warfare and combat. In brief, violent video games desensitize the player to violence and increase the likelihood of aggressive behaviors during the gameplay experience and in everyday life. Anderson et al, note that in regards to children and violent video games ‘reducing exposure to media violence will reduce aggression and violence’ (Anderson et al., 2003 p4)
The player of OVVGs competes against millions of users to kill, harm and dominate his opponents in a controlled environment of violence and is rewarded for these actions with systems of points, reputation, respect and reverence from his counterparts. His/her competitive identity is represented through a complex series of communications based on gameplay, interaction, text and VOIP and although this identity is shaped by these actions, it remains somewhat diluted by the anonymous nature of online gaming and can be hidden behind monikers, nicknames and personal ids designed to ‘craft’ the identity and give it a certain color or flavor.
Anger, intimidation and aggression are elements of play that are encouraged by violence and permeate OVVGs. Violent behavior in OVVGs is exhibited during the course of play. CounterStrike is a First Person Shooter(FPS) with estimated sales of over 10 million copies, with millions of active users. The excitement and competition of its fierce gameplay often bring to the forefront aspects of identity amongst players that would otherwise remain subdued in day to day life. Communication between people is disconnected, anonymous and abstract due to the limited identity identifiers available in CS. Players have only a name, and a text box for chat and VoIP.
This freeing of responsibility for one’s actions and the suffering of possible negative consequences leads to what has been described as “confrontational culture”(Cover, 2006, p4) whereby things are said and done that would otherwise remain repressed in the real world. Negative aspects of emotion and interaction will surface online in the form of verbal warfare between people as the opinion or values of one attempts to overcome the other or the heat of competition gets too much. Heightened emotional states and anxiety can also lead to incidents of threats as described by David Myers -
“Players turned to verbal abuse, hoping and offended I would log off and cancel my subscription. When Twixt celebrated his victories, lobbing messages like “Yay, heroes. Go good team. Vills lose again,” in the game’s chat box, users like Hunter-Killed responded, “U are a major sh–bird.” (Myers 2005)
Another player added, “I hope your mother gets cancer.” Yet another wrote, “EVERYONE HATES YOU.” (Myers, 2005) The anonymous nature of the interactions prompted the users to behave erratically and respond to the actions of others in an aggressive and violent fashion, that surely would have been kept silent in the real world. Competition is a major factor contributing to violent behavior. Players compete for the prestige and respect of good statistics which creates greed, fury and anger. FurJ19, an active member of the CS community has noted – “I play firstly for love, secondly for respect. My position on top of the ladder keeps me coming back” (GamertechTV, 2005)
Group identity in the form of ‘clans’ are a powerful force in OVVGs and a factor when players taunt one another and move to follow, stalk and ‘grief’ others. ‘Griefing’ is a term given to a player who ‘traps a victim and torments them throughout the game, with humiliation and belittling’ (Reuters Life, 2007) Clans respect the use of intimidation as a tool to gain competitive edge and respond to the weaknesses in players by ganging up and focusing on weak opponents with verbal taunts and aggressive tactics. Clans provide a group identity, a sense of belonging and a circle of trust for players.
This identity is worn with pride in the offline world by some with clan website Hostile stating (in regards to logo) – “Hostile is a Counterstrike clan that needed more than an aggressive name to intimidate other clans. Inspired by old military patches, the gritty logo is meant to be placed anywhere and everywhere for maximum exposure.” (Morten, 2006) Clans group together to fight against cyber bullying, with team members encouraging team work and co operation over negativity and corruption, protecting themselves from facing taunts alone. Clans also allow for the formation of relationships outside of strictly gaming, as players invariably meet up on forums to discuss gameplay, tactics and gossip. Membership is patrolled, with the CS Clan ‘Resin’ noting members have been kicked out for racism, disrespect, spamming and cheating. Clans can be likened to sports teams, work teams and friendship circles.
Alternatively, clans can turn against their own.
‘In games where there are public channels of broadcasting messages, the bully can use these mediums to defame a person constantly by broadcast accusing him of doing unethical things within the game and hence hurting the person image. Alternatively if a group of people play as a guild/faction/party/clan, they can outcast another player that they know in real life that plays the same game.’ (Chen et al., 2007, p1)
The old adage of ‘like breeds like’ applies for clans who develop cultures of anger and a ‘win at all costs’ attitude, as players take on the attributes of their aggressive team mates. The formation of identity in online gaming can happen at varied speeds and to varying degrees; a clan speeds up the process by allowing the player to ‘generate actions and intent by constantly comparing themselves to others and modifying behavior based on group interactions and dynamics’ (Chen, 2007 p2).
The motivation to play games online stems from a mix of the desire to feel emotions in a fantasy context and a decision to share that experience with others. Escapism is an age old tradition and video game addiction in general is well documented. Fantasy has long held appeal for those wishing to escape reality (Turkle, 1994 p1), and competition through social interaction is another powerful attractor for many. World of Warcraft (WOW) is pure fantasy, a world in which players take on a character or ‘avatar’ and interact with others in the form of exploration, quests and fights.
Players build an online identity to a greater degree than in CS as various actions are rewarded with new skills and upgrades to the avatar. The interactions between players include text and VoIP. In 2006 the games developers banned players from mentioning their sexuality to others for fear that it might arouse discriminatory or unkind remarks from those players, and that would violate the anti-discrimination rules of the game. (Boing Boing) With these rules in place players still violate them and circumvent by bullying players attempting certain tasks and repeatedly harassing others. Darkcm, a WOW player, notes “theres this player on thunderhorne who keeps asking me for money…and i am being mean to them saying they are a gold farmer…IM BULLYING them!!! they dont need to be a farmer for it to work…sheesh!” (Gamespot, 2004)
The slower pace of WOW allows for greater variation of interaction and repeated bullying as players face off regularly and have a clearer understanding of the identity of their opponents. Turkle (1994) notes about identity formation in WOW “They are doing this in an environment infused with a postmodern ethos of the value of multiple identities and of playing out aspects of the self and with a constructionist ethos of ‘Build something, be someone’” Players make changes to their identities regularly and alter speech, text and interaction methods to create many interweaving, intricate identities.
Bullying and causing grief for an opponent in a game is nothing new, with sports teams exhibiting these kinds of behaviors for centuries. With OVVGs however, these actions are relatively new and grow because players are relatively anonymous from each other and can fire taunts and barbs at each other without fear of retribution. Games are played with high stakes, WOW of particularly so because users pay for the privilege of online play. Although Swing and Anderson noted that ‘all age groups are susceptible’ (2003) to violent responses to video games, research shows that young people and adolescents are more likely to play games and therefore respond aggressively to situations. (Gibb, 1983) Cacha (1983) has noted that for children, violent gameplay ‘may encourage aggressive behavior, or foster undesirable problem solving skills that glamorize and glorify violence’ As children grows through the awkward stages of adolescence they respond actively to stimuli and are likely to form default responses to situations re actively in the process of learning (Greenfield et al., 1994) thus, as a child performs violent tasks virtually, the response in human terms is more likely to be of a violent nature.
OVVGs represent a specific fantasy of interaction, where violence plays a key role in proceedings. This violence has been shown to increase the likelihood of a violent response from a player as the game is being played, particularly in the early stages of adolescence though adults have displayed signs of aggressive behaviors in some studies (Segal et al., 1991) Anonymity factors in to identity in the gaming community, as players are mostly anonymous and free from being aligned with their comments or actions. This fosters attitudes otherwise hidden by the players real identity such as taunting others, griefing, trolling and generally harassing users.
Bibliography
Craig A. Anderson, Leonard Berkowitz, Edward Donnerstein, L. Rowell Huesmann, James D. Johnson, Daniel Linz, Neil M. Malamuth, Ellen Wartella. (Dec 2003) The Influence of Media Violence on Youth Psychological Science in the Public Interest, Vol. 4, No. 3 pp. 81-110
Cacha, F. B. (1983). Glamourizing and legitimizing violence in software: A misuse of the computer. Educational Technology, March, 7 – 9.
Bryan CHEN Shenglong, GOH Chong Sheng, KOH Zi Han, LIN Jiaqi and Dominic SIM Kuangwei. (2007) CyberBullying in e-gaming, an emerging social threat Retrieved 12/2/10 from http://www.ssagsg.org/LearningSpace/EntertainmentGaming/CyberBullying.htm#What_is_it.3F
Rob Cover. (2006) Gaming (Ad)diction: Discourse, Identity, Time and Play in the Production of the Gamer Addiction Myth Game Studies The international journal of computer game research volume 6 issue 1
Cory Doctorow. (2005) World of Warcraft: Don’t tell anyone you’re a queer Retrieved 14/3/10 from http://www.boingboing.net/2006/01/27/world_of_warcraft_do.html
Gamespot Forums : WOW, Do you ever enjoy bullying people in WOW? Retrieved 15/1/10 from http://au.gamespot.com/pc/rpg worldofwarcraft/show_msgs.php?topic_id=m-1-45524764&pid=534914
Gibb, G., Bailey, J., Lambirth, T. & Wilson, W. (1983) Personality differences between high and low electronic video game users. Journal of Psychology, 114, 159 – 165.
Greenfield, P. M., Camaioni, L., Ercolani, P., Weiss, L., Lauber, B. A. & Perucchini, P. (1994) Cognitive socialization by computer games in two cultures: Inductive discovery or mastery of an iconic code? Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 15, 59 – 85.
Tyler Morten. (2002) Counter-Strike Clan Identity Retrieved 3/2/10 from http://www.tylermorten.com/?page_id=56
David Myers. (2003) ‘Twixt’ becomes game’s most hated outcast courtesy of Loyola professor Retrieved 4/3/10 from http://www.nola.com/news/index.ssf/2009/07/loyola_university_professor_be.html
Reuters Life New York. (2007) A new type of cyberbully hits online gaming world Retrieved 23/2/10 from http://www.reuters.com/article/id
Segal, K. R. & Dietz, W. H. (1991). Physiologic responses to playing a video game. American Journal of Diseases of Children, 145, 1034 – 1036.
Storm. (2006) Dont miss this player – Counter-Strike Gamertech Retrieved 14/1/10 from TVhttp://gamertechtv.com/?p=234
Shelley Turkle. (1994) Constructions and reconstructions of self : Playing in the muds Mind culture and activity vol 1 no 3
Talmadge Wright, Eric Boria and Paul Breidenbach. (2002) Creative Player Actions in FPS Online Video Games Playing Counter-Strike The international journal of computer game research volume 2, issue 2

Comments
Leave a comment