The argument I will present in this paper centres on the transformation of a person’s identity from the unmediated offline world to the mediated online virtuality of the internet to show how the internet influences our definition of who we are. I argue that the internet influences our definition of who we are by providing a virtual world where identity deception through self-reflexive ‘hoped-for’ identities are constructed to generate desired impressions motivated by individual payoff’s, social capital and maximal distinctiveness. I have focussed my research on social networking sites (SNSs), in particular, Facebook.
Greenhow and Robelia (2009, p. 120) quote boyd and Ellison’s definition of an online social network site as:
“A web-based service that allows individuals to (1) construct a public or semi-public profile within a bounded system, (2) articulate a list of other users with whom they share a connection, and (3) view and traverse their list of connections and those made by others within the system (2007, 1)”.
Facebook is arguably the most transparent of SNS communities, and unlike other virtual environments such as UseNet and Multi User Dungeons (MUDs) where anonymity is part of the landscape, the concept of SNSs relies heavily on authenticated identity; ‘trust’ will always be a major factor in virtual friendships. For a SNS like Facebook, that began its existence at Harvard University, purely as a communications medium for intra-campus socializing (Martin, Grasmuck, & Zhao, 2008, p. 1820), and where membership meant having the correct ‘dot com’ (edu) address, transparency is less of an issue than other virtual communities as online users are already authenticated by offline friends, this inherent transparency of Facebook challenges the idea of identity deception existing within this realm.
Transparency—of social networks, of personal histories, of judgements of others, states boyd (Karaganis, 2007, pp. un-numbered) is a powerful idea that drove much of the early exploration of digital networking. By design, SNSs provide both the motive and the environment: adolescents and young adults with a need to ‘belong’, competing for popularity, and forming virtual identities through implied meanings and friendships. In unmediated environments, a body is loaded with cues about a person’s identity; gender, race, and age that are difficult to obscure, which can be used to convey a wide variety of attitudes, emotions and identity information (boyd, 2008, p. 126), The virtual self, created on the internet, does not have these cues. Jenny Sundén (2003: 3, as cited by boyd, 2008, p. 126) argued that an online participant has to actively and consistently ‘type oneself into being’ to exist and be visible online. This description of constructed identity taken a step further by Turkle (1997, p. 165) who states that “Virtual reality is not ‘real’, but it has a relationship to the real” and claims (1995, as cited by boyd, 2008) that identity work through the Internet tends to involve the creation of fictional characters unconnected from embodied reality.
As well as being a communications medium for staying in touch with friends, Facebook also provides contexts for social development and identity formation, but unlike the parallel identities that are constructed for playing in MUDS, where reality can be written into fantasy, and presented as fantasy, the confusion is created by Facebook identities which are self-reflexive constructs of reality, wishing to be presented as reality – which they are not, as described by boyd (2008, p. 125) “I see profiles as ‘digital bodies’ in that they both uniquely identify a persona and are the product of self-reflexive identity production”.
Identity, argues Palumbo-Liu, (2000, p. 767) is constructed from all your past experiences, and is manifest in its constancy, in the fact that the person always expresses the contents of his or her identity by acting in certain ways. Put differently, Identity is who you are – not who you want to be. boyd (2008, p. 129) argues that pressures faced in digital self-presentation are not wholly different from that surrounding fashion and image in unmediated contexts, where signals send information about their social identity. I agree with boyd’s summation that the ‘presentation of self’ – dressing up to go clubbing, or ‘wearing makeup’ may be similar in their respective forums online and offline, but argue that a user’s self-presentation on the internet often goes beyond ‘dressing up’, and can consciously be constructed to misrepresent and deceive, secure in the knowledge that the vital cues which authenticates offline identity are unavailable in the virtual world.
In research carried out on online self-presentation, Martin et al. (2008, p. 1828) found that Facebook identities were not the identities users established in the offline world, nor were they close to the identities users would construct in anonymous online environments; rather, they were the hoped-for possible identities users would like to, but have not yet been able to, establish in the offline world. Or, as explained by Markus and Nurius (as cited by Martin et al. 2008), a person’s conception of himself or herself at a given time can be divided into two categories: the ‘now selves’ and the ‘possible selves.’ Now selves are established identities known to others, whereas possible selves are images of the self that are currently unknown to others. (Martin, Grasmuck, & Zhao, 2008, p. 1819) By using the mediated environment of SNS to implicitly profile themselves as the ‘possible self’ or ‘hoped-for’ identity, is arguably a form of identity deception in which the internet contributes to and affects a person’s definition of who they are.
Simpson and Macy (2004), describe this ‘hoped-for’ identity as “thinking of the self in terms of unique attributes”, which, they say, “accentuates the distinction between individual and collective interests and thus activates a self-interested desire to maximize individual payoffs”. This view is supported and expanded upon by de Vries (2010) who states that personal identity is a creation malleable as well as stable and pre-established. De Vries describes malleable as freedom from unreasonable constraints on the construction of one’s own identity (Agre & Rotenberg, 2001, p7, as cited by de Vries, 2010, p. 74), and gives an example; “she finally discovered what she had always already been deep down inside – a dancer”. Facebook, in this regard, served as a vehicle that empowered the users to produce socially desirable identities that they were presumably not capable of producing in the offline world due to various reasons, including the presence of the ‘gating’ obstacles” (McKenna et al. as cited by Martin et al., 2008, p. 1829).
Ross (2009) states that Facebook operates differently to other social communities such as dating sites, which are tools to meet new people, in that ‘Facebook Friends’ are individuals known from the offline world; Facebook is not used as a tool to meet new people online. (Ross, 2009) As part of an online mediated environment, SNSs are an ideal environment for misinformation and identity deception; the deception states Steinfield, (2008) is in the implied meaning of the showing, not telling. This view is supported by Martin et al. (2008) who states that Facebook users appeared to prefer the most implicit selection of dense displays of profile photos and wall posts, followed by highly enumerated lists of cultural preferences associated with youth culture, and finally the minimalist, first-person ‘‘about me” statements. These implicit messages, together with the often exaggerated explicit messages woven into a SNS identity construct, leads to ambiguity and has the capacity to create an atmosphere of mistrust. In her PhD dissertation Taken Out of Context, danah boyd (2008) comments on this type of ambiguity:
“As rich as her profile is, it is hard to place Allie. Her self-description reveals some angst, but she is glowing in her photograph. Her self-description has stayed the same for months, making it difficult for me to sense change. I can gather from her five blog posts over two years that she is struggling to make sense of her religion, but I have no idea how pervasive these thoughts are in her daily life nor can I tell why this is the only topic that she seems to post about. I can see whom she lists as Friends, but I have no idea how she feels about these people or those she spends time with who are not on MySpace. Her profile is public, which makes it possible for me to see, but I have only the slightest idea of whom she intends to view it. For all that is revealed, there is much more that is not.” (boyd, 2008, p. 133)
Allie’s profile is an example of how implied meanings contribute to identity deception on SNSs.
Social identity is defined as “that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership in a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership”. (Tajfel, as cited by Simpson & Macy, 2004, p. 1377) Although the meaning of social identities cannot be fully captured as they change with evolving contexts and relationships (Omi & Winant, as cited by Abes, Jones, & McEwen, 2007, p. 2), the visual self – projected via the inclusion of large numbers of peer photographs – can be thought of as the ‘self as social actor.’ It is as if the user is saying, ‘Watch me and know me by my friends.’ By ‘showing without telling,’ Facebook users seek to make certain implicit identity claims aimed at generating desired impressions on their viewers especially in terms of the depth and extent of their social ties (Martin et al., 2008, p. 1825). These implicit group identity claims can be deceptive and are strongly associated with social capital outcomes.
The Social Identity utilitarian model presented by Simpson and Macy (2004, p. 1378) assumes that social identity leads to a “transformation of social motives whereby an individualistic self-interested orientation is matched or superseded by the motivation to maximize joint or collective interests”; maximal distinctiveness (Simpson & Macy, 2004, p. 1378) – a hypothesis they say, that social identity leads actors to make choices that maximize the differences between the in-group and the out-group while minimizing within-group differences. (Hogg, Turner, as cited by Simpson & Macy, 2004, p. 1378) Facebook users, state Martin et al. (2008) may emphasize or even exaggerate the part of their possible selves that are socially desirable but not readily discernible, such as one’s character, intelligence, and other important inner qualities. At the same time, they may seek to hide or de-emphasize the part of their selves they regard as socially undesirable, such as shyness, being overweight, or stuttering. (Martin et al., 2008, p. 1821)
The social construction of identity always takes place in a context marked by power relationships (Palumbo-Liu, 2000, p. 769). Among young adults, relationships with peers are important for generating offline benefits, commonly referred to as social capital (Steinfield, 2008, p. 434) – social capital is an elastic construct used to describe the benefits one receives from one’s relationships with other people (Lin, 1999), a view supported by Ellison et al.(as cited in Steinfield, 2008, p. 434) who suggests that intense Facebook use is closely related to the formation and maintenance of social capital, and found evidence that self-esteem may operate as a moderator of the relationship between social network site use and social capital. That is, young people with lower self-esteem appeared to benefit more from their use of Facebook than those with higher self-esteem. It is as if the Facebook users create a mediated interaction with their audience placing friends and dating partners in between themselves and others. ‘‘See me first and foremost in the context of my group.” (Martin et al., 2008) My hypothesis is that in some instances, personal identity is forfeited for ‘maximal distinctiveness’ in exchange for social capital; being popular with Facebook Friends.
I have argued that the internet influences our definition of who we are by placing us in a virtual world where identity deception through self-reflexive ‘hoped-for’ identities are constructed to generate desired impressions motivated by individual payoff’s, social capital and maximal distinctiveness. And whilst I have argued that the internet does affect our definition of who we are, my research in this topic has shown that the influence is minimal and is “not an expression of something innate in a person, it is rather a social product, the outcome of a given social environment and hence performed differently in varying contexts” (Martin et al., 2008).
Although I have shown that online profiles can and are constructed to produce socially desirable identities, not all identity constructions are malicious. The Internet, and the myriad of SNSs today provide opportunities for identity production that can be used to overcome some limitations inherent in face-to-face situations such as ‘gating’ obstacles and create the hoped-for possible selves they are unable to establish in the offline world. (Martin et al., 2008, p. 1832)
It is also incorrect to think that the online world and the offline world are two separate worlds, and whatever people do online ‘hold little consequence’ (Clark, as cited by Martin et al., 2008, p. 1831) for lives offline. Facebook identities are clearly real in the sense that they have real consequences for the lives of the individuals who constructed them, and in the Internet era, the social world includes both the online and offline environments, and an important skill people need to learn is how to coordinate their behaviours in these two realms. (Martin et al., 2008)
References:
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