Social networking (SN) and Web 2.0 applications, commonly known as “social media”, are an inherent part of most activist campaigns today due to the fact they are, as Clay Shirky (2009) states: “global, social, ubiquitous and cheap”.  Social media platforms allow activists to not only create, but also tap into networks of people to promote an issue or cause, and are an excellent way to create action and send issues global.  The premise of this paper is that much more effective campaigns are organized now that activists and organizers are more adept at employing the characteristics inherent in these social media platforms, such as tags and their ability to spread a message virally and more importantly, send the message global.  To illustrate this, this paper will concentrate on social media platforms that have come to the fore in the last five years:  Facebook, Twitter and Weblogs (blogs) and will also outline events from inside authoritarian regimes, where these tools have been used successfully to either highlight issues or instigate real change.  The concept of ‘citizen journalist’ is discussed in depth in the paper and emphasizes the link between traditional mass media, and online social media and the changes brought about by local people being able to report on local events using social media.  As a counterpoint to the positive aspects of online activism, this paper will also highlight and respond to some of the negative perceptions.

Historically, activism in the offline world has often taken physical form; street marches, strikes and protests – even full-scale revolution to force change of political ideologies.  For many years, as seen in the successful campaign against the Vietnam War, campaigns were conducted with a “take to the streets” mentality (Critical Art Ensemble, 1994, p.10), usually around large monuments which were seen as the physical manifestation of the locus of power of the state. Clay Shirky discussed the fact that pre-internet, citizens who were not part of mainstream media had to hold up signs and wave placards in the street to get their protest heard.  Then, the protest was only really effective if the media picked up the story (Shirky, 2010).  This is also reinforced by Rucht (2004) in his proposal that movements need the media, but the media does not necessarily need movements and: “without the media, a movement remains unknown to a large audience” (p. 29).  Pre-internet, most protest and political activity had limited scope and was localized, unless reported by mass media such as television, radio or newspapers.

The internet was seen to change the nature of activism, protest and causes when it began to become mainstream and effects have increased exponentially as the technologies have become more advanced, networked and social.  Gurak & Logie (2003) state: “From the earliest days, the internet has been about networking: not just wires and hubs, but people.  Protest too, is always about networks, usually networks of people who have a common interest or concern and come together”.  Earliest protests employed newsgroups and email to disseminate information and lobby for change.  As discussed by Nip (2004), some successful non-political campaigns using these methods were seen in the early 1990′s when internet based petitions were signed and emails sent about an ill received product – the CEO, overwhelmed by the volume of emails received, withdrew the product.

At the forefront of early online political activism, the Zapatista (EZLN) movement based in Chiapas Mexico alerted the world to the plight of indigenous Mexicans via the internet, and spurred “a world-wide network of solidarity groups, which helped to produce an international public opinion movement that deterred the Mexican government  from using large-scale repression” (Nip, 2004). Nip states that the dissemination of this information was instant, although it could not replace human contact and lobbying.  The internet was integral in making the message heard globally, very rapidly.

When new social media tools are released, activists are some of the early adopters of these tools, as they enable communication amongst actors which doesn’t rely on a hierarchy or state controlled media (BBC & Krotoski, 2010).  This was seen in the EZLN movement. However, it could be said the most significant enabler for activists is that these tools allow for anonymity, which is especially significant in countries where freedom of speech is restricted and foreign news sources are banned (Vegh, 2003).  Poster, (as cited by Katz, Rice, Acord, Dasgupta, and David, 2004, p. 377), claims the most important aspect of mediated communication (such as that which the internet enables) is that it is “undetermined, versus fixed forms of print and broadcast media”, which makes it difficult for governments to shut down the source of dissent or curtail freedom of speech.  This is extremely empowering for individuals in countries that did not previously provide a means to espouse their views, allowing “flexibility in identity, presence” and thus: “avoidance of strict social control” (Van Aelst & Walgrave, 2003 p.97).  Unfortunately this strict social and political control is ongoing for many citizens around the world and subsequent examples outline events in authoritarian regimes where citizens, using social media are challenging this control.

Blogs, using both text and images, are used widely to illustrate these battles against authority and prescient examples have been seen recently in China.  China is well known for censorship and state-controlled media.  Moreover, the state is well aware of the power of social media and the power that anonymity affords protesters in the bid for freedom of speech.  They have placed restrictions on global sites and information coming into the country by way of massive investment in technological infrastructure in their “great firewall of China” and employing an army of Chinese people or “internet police” to monitor dissent in the blogosphere and introduce pro-Chinese propaganda into online discussions (MacKinnon, 2009).

This investment, however, was seen to be largely ineffectual when the Sichuan earthquake struck killing over 70,000 people in Northern China.  Many children were killed when schools collapsed; allegedly Communist Party buildings survived.  A 2009 Amnesty International report on the event describes how initially Chinese authorities were praised for their openness in allowing journalists greater access to the affected area, but when it was leaked that much of the money destined for earthquake strengthening these schools had been diverted into other areas and reports were made criticizing the lack of advance warning given for the quakes, traditional media control was reinstated.  The report states: “The Foreign Correspondents club of China listed 18 cases involving dozens of foreign journalists and photographers who were prevented from reporting or were briefly detained for attempting to cover efforts by parents to hold officials responsible for the collapse of schools” (p.6); many of the parents were also detained.  In the absence of traditional media, renowned artist Ai Wei Wei, sent 50 volunteers to Sichuan to compile their own death toll and within days they had compiled names of the dead children on their blogs (Reynolds, 2009).  The story gathered so much momentum because of the use of names and images of the children that many others were inspired by the action and went to the region to find out the truth (BBC & Krotoski, 2010).  It can be assumed that pre-internet and social media, the cover-up by Chinese officials would have had some success and there would have been little or no accountability.

“Citizen journalism” is a phrase often used to describe the actions of citizens as seen in the aforementioned Chinese earthquake.  The power of it cannot be underestimated. In the absence of mainstream media and in the face of cover-ups by officials, citizens, using social media tools they use everyday for socializing and entertainment, take on the role of watchdog to get the facts out to the world.  Moreover, these tools are perfect for this due to their decentralized nature and ability to extend local information into the global arena very rapidly.  It is very difficult for these countries such as China to close down these services and if they attempt this, proxy servers can be used to mask IP addresses and therefore identity.  In China’s case, many incoming links are banned, but it is very difficult to control the abundance of the information coming out of the country (Shirky, 2009) and an anonymous person with a cell phone taking photos or video and uploading them to YouTube or their blog can make the facts undeniable, as seen in the Sichuan earthquake.

The disputed result in the Iran Election of June 2009 is another case where citizen journalism was employed to get facts out to the world when mainstream media had been banned. It is also here that we start to see the creativity employed by people in the use of social media tools, designed ostensibly for the purpose of socializing, now being enlisted for a political purpose.  Demonstrations erupted because of a perceived rigged election result and because of the media ban the only information coming out the country at that time was through Twitter ‘tweets’ and photos and video posted to various blog platforms and YouTube (Carr, 2009).  This served to connect the outside world with what was happening in real-time, which was especially significant for the many Iranians watching events from outside of Iran.  When interviewed about the events in Iran, Clay Shirky (2009) stated “reading personal messages from individuals on the ground prompts a whole other sense of involvement”.  He also discusses the design of Twitter being such that it is impossible for authorities to shut it down.  In the Iran conflict, a worldwide community came together to try and keep the service open by providing proxies and proxy information via Twitter.  This indicates that these social media enable involvement by those outside of a conflict and a solidarity that otherwise would not be possible.

Along with real-time information dispersal at political events, Twitter has been used to organize direct action prior to events.   This was seen in Moldova in 2009 and this event was subsequently named “The Twitter Revolution” (WNYC & Garfield, 2009).  Moldova, one of the last communist countries from the USSR held elections and the protests were organized by Moldovan Twitter users.  Twitter was used for the initial organisation and subsequent spread of information, tied in with Facebook status updates, word-of-mouth and mobile phones.  As stated in a blog about the event on the DigiActive website:  “People have realized the ability of the tool not only to draw people to your cause, mobilize efforts or provide information, but they were able to harness its ability to spread information with the explicit goal of attracting attention to a particular event that otherwise may have gone largely unnoticed”; the blog goes on to say: “this means international pressure on a government and an election that determines their very well-being” (Michael, 2010).  Thus, if the world is watching, there is less likely to be reprisal from the state.

Facebook too has been used extensively in the area of protest organization and direct action and the anti-FARC rallies that occurred globally in 2008 are a good example of this.  It is thought that the Colombian rebel group FARC is responsible for many kidnappings, deaths and terrorist activities in their bid to rid the country of the neo-liberal leadership and influence by the United States (Neumeyer & Raffl, 2008).  The Facebook group “A Million Voices Against FARC” was created in response to their activities.  More than 300,000 people worldwide joined the group and rallies were organised and occurred in many cities around the world, drawing attention to the issues within the country.  Newspapers around the world reported the Facebook protests because of the massive amount of people the group had attracted.  This illustrates how these causes are suddenly deemed newsworthy by traditional media when public sentiment grows to a critical mass, gauged by SN platforms such as Facebook. Traditional media outlets then spread the message further afield.

These examples give an indication of how the inherent qualities of social media have been utilized to shape political events around the world, i.e. their viral ability to send a message quickly, anonymously and globally with the use of tags and using existing networks of people.  Activists are only just beginning to realize the potential of social media, given that these technologies are relatively new, and are inventing new and creative campaigns where the use of social media tools are integral to the campaign.  Some of these campaigns are listed on the “Global Voices Online” website – a website providing a forum for  200 bloggers who claim their aim is to: “aggregate, curate, and amplify the global conversation online – shining light on places and people other media often ignore” (GlobalVoices: The world is talking. Are you listening?, n.d.).

Some successful examples featured on the Global Voices website are: “adopt a local politician” in Brazil, whereby a call was made to bloggers to pick up and follow a politician and hold them accountable for their actions.  So many people responded that a central site was organized to follow these blogs (Sasaki, 2010).  Another case in Mexico was labelled the “twitter tag protest”:  A decision to introduce an internet tax was reversed by the government within days after the public employed different social media tools such as Twitter, Flickr and Facebook to voice concerns with the tax by tagging posts “#InternetNecesario” (the internet is a necessity).  These tweets were subsequently aggregated onto a single site and sent via email to all 628 congress members of the Mexican Government, prompting the reversal (Sasaki, 2009).  These cases, having had successful outcomes, could also serve as templates for subsequent protest and political action.

Despite the aforementioned successes, online activism has some detractors and it is important to acknowledge their claims to see if the outcome for activism using social media tools can be improved.  It is clear that merely joining a Facebook group is not going to make real change when people join with no intention of doing anything more or when regimes have no intention of listening.  Evgeny Morozov, well known social media commentator and author, describes this as “feel good and useless internet activism”, or “slacktivism’ and suggests people need to be meaningfully engaged in actual tasks to really make a difference.  He also suggests the so-called “Twitter Revolution”, as seen in Iran and Moldova was overstated and was nothing more than “cyber-utopianism” when really, all it offered was noise from a young, mainly middle class Iranian population, not representative of Iranians at large (Morozov, 2009).  However skewed the view was coming out of Iran, it is clear that some communication was better than no communication in an environment where no other media could report on events.  Moreover, the video and photos coming out via social media tools such as YouTube were invaluable in providing an accurate picture of events and the facts could not be denied when provided in real-time.

To summarize, the very least achieved in the use of social media tools for activism is that they are useful in gauging public sentiment for local causes and issues, which can garner the attention of traditional mass media.  However, for “citizen journalists” in authoritarian regimes, social media platforms, commonly used for personal information sharing and socializing, have been commandeered as political tools and are invaluable.  Because of their design, the interconnection of these platforms and the fact they do not rely on a single organization, a message or cause can go viral and global in a very short space of time and this is difficult to control.  There is a way to go in truly refining how these tools can be used for activism and sometimes their use in events can be overstated.  However, the examples this paper has described show that campaigns can be very successful when creatively designed to employ the inherent characteristics of social media tools to communicate, advocate and organize action.

Author:  Jacky Dwane

Hi!  Thanks for taking the time to read this paper. Any thoughts, whether it be one line or one hundred, please use the comments section below.  Thanks, Jacky


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