INTRODUCTION

Computer hackers are individuals who disrupt the operations of computer systems and software for anarchistic or other reasons. Hacking is an illegal activity, yet hacker activities become public knowledge online in virtual communities. Hackers seek to create a unique identity and compete with each other in their goal to disrupt computer networks but also hide their identities to avoid prosecution. Argued here is that hackers, using virtual community forums, create a private identity by disclosing illegal private activities in a public space in order to assert their identity and gain dominance over other hackers. This paper explores this issue with examples from hacker virtual communities that show how hackers create an environment where identities form and superiority of knowledge is used to dominant others.

This paper debates identity and community issues by using computer hackers as an example of shaping identities in virtual communities. The aim is to show that individuals use strategies within these communities to craft identity and use information to assert dominance over less informed hackers. As the theme is about identity, it is placed within the identity in communities’ stream and contributes to informing about hacker behaviours in online environments.

HACKER CULTURE AND VIRTUAL COMMUNITIES

A hacker is not always one who wants to hack into systems to cause disruption, though they do participate in hacker virtual communities. Rather they are computer programmers, or have skills to use computer software, to either improve existing commercial software or cause malicious and intentional damage to networks. Describing a ‘hacking culture’ is to draw on definitions of what a culture is. For this argument, Small (Small, as cited in Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952) provides an applicable description of culture. A culture ‘is the total equipment of technique, mechanical, mental, and moral, by use of which people of a given period try to attain their ends and their individual or social ends’ (Small, as cited in Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952, p. 344). This applies to hacker culture because hackers in their culture share techniques for hacking and as McKenzie (2006) argues, highly value the recognition of their peers especially experienced hackers. Hackers are defined by the period they live in, that is the current computer or digital age, and are trying to attain ends, namely how to hack systems, both individually and socially within hacker groups.

The virtual communities, especially hacker user forums, are places where hackers gather online. Hackers interact in virtual communities where people with similar interests meet and exchange ideas, files and message, and communicate with each other (Gattiker, 2009). A virtual community is described by Roberts (2009) in terms of these characteristics; it has a sense of group identity, it impacts in some way on the member’s lives and outside world, is a place to seek help off others and builds relationships within it. In this paper some examples of hacker virtual community interactions will be identified and discussed to show how identity is shaped and contested within these environments.

IDENTITY AND BEHAVIOUR IN HACKER FORUMS

To describe hacker behaviour two theorists give frameworks for understanding identity formation and domination over others. The work of Goffman (1959) can be applied to hacker identity development. Goffman suggests people create a private identity of their activities for public viewing and believes that individuals attempt to control or guide impressions of themselves by changing their manner and roles (1959). This is important because roles that are displayed are prefabricated; freely constructed by choice and displayed to the world (Menand, 2009). Although people display less inhibition in virtual environments, Menand’s assertion contradicts the idea that individuals would not display private things like admitting to hacking computer systems. Hackers do this to gain attention, but simultaneously hide their real identities when posting details of which computer systems they have hacked.

It is not just a matter of establishing an identity in a virtual community; it is also a case of having power over other hackers by asserting superiority over each other’s hacking knowledge. In computer mediated environments, people want to be seen in a certain way and engage in identity expression, communication and impression management to do so (Tufekci, 2008). Often this means the hacker will put down others in postings to assert their superiority in the hacking hierarchy. A way of understanding this is by using Bourdieu’s (1977) symbolic capital concept and applying it to hacker behaviour in the forum. Capital in the hacker community is expressed through disclosing technical superiority in hacking systems and by downplaying other hacker’s achievements and knowledge.

Hackers hold symbolic capital in a virtual community with their hacking knowledge and will exercise it over someone else who holds less knowledge seeking to alter other’s opinions (Bourdieu, 1977). To relate Bourdieu’s concept to hackers, it means a more experienced hacker will often demean others comments dismissing those views of less experienced hackers. This is known as symbolic violence because it involves a struggle for power and superiority over others. Any groups, such as hackers, are constantly striving to monopolise capital to bolster or enhance their position in society (Wacquant, 1987). Capital can be converted into other forms of capital to gain power (Mander, 1987). For example, to illustrate Mander’s common view on converting capital, in hacker forums hacking knowledge and experience can be converted into prestige and notoriety on and off line thus enhancing the hacker’s reputation beyond the virtual community

SHAPING HACKER IDENTITY

The shaping of a hackers’ identity comes from its members, the public’s view of their activities and from research on how hackers behave online. Hackers craft themselves as elite subcultures with power structures that exclude outsiders (Taylor, 1999).  As Goffman suggests, crafting and shaping occurs as the hacker values privacy as they know the fragility of privacy (Goldstein, 1993).  However, they attend public or underground conferences or write in online communities; therefore they also operate in offline settings that provide support and swapping of knowledge (Jordan & Taylor, 1998). They also identify, according to Turgeman-Goldschmidt (2005), as performing hacking for fun seeking and knowledge to justify undesirable behaviours.

Hackers adhere to beliefs that motivate their contestations over the main capital, hacking knowledge. These are described by Nissenbaum (2004) as total and free access to computers and information, mistrust of centralised authority, a disdain for obstacles erected against free access to computing and an insistence that hackers be evaluated by no other criteria than technical virtuosity and accomplishment. Hackers hold the belief that propriety software should be available to the public at no or little cost (Hannemyer, 1999). Whilst this is a generalisation of every hacker, one view by Gordon and Ma suggests their identity is devoid of a moral code of care towards legitimate computer users:

In the hacking community, dehumanization and attribution of blame is somewhat more common; misconstruing or ignoring the consequences of the act is somewhat prevalent; and moral justification is extremely commonplace based on the public communication of hackers on public mailing lists. Thus, it is not surprising that personal moral obligation factors highly in attitudes toward an intention to hack. (2003, p. 10)

This supports Goffman’s (1952) suggestion that roles are crafted to offer a presentation to society of one’s identity. However, most views, as illustrated by Gordon and Ma (2003), are outsiders’ accounts which often demonise hackers and reinforce stereotypical views of their anarchistic nature.

By contrast within hacker cultures there is disagreement about the credibility of identity and levels of hacking knowledge. Raymond (2008), an experienced hacker who displays his real identity publically by explicitly reporting his hacking activities using his real name, contests the notion that hackers are only of one type:

There is another group of people who loudly call themselves hackers, but aren’t. These are people (mainly adolescent males [sic]) who get a kick out of breaking into computers and phreaking the phone system. Real hackers call these people ‘crackers’ and want nothing to do with them. Real hackers mostly think crackers are lazy, irresponsible, and not very bright, and object that being able to break security doesn’t make you a hacker any more than being able to hotwire cars makes you an automotive engineer.

Raymond creates distance between who he sees as a ‘real’ hacker and a novice hacker. This occurs frequently in hacker virtual communities. This illustrates Bourdieu’s concept of capital acquisition from a hacker perspective; knowledge on how to hack systems and reporting how to do so to others is a strong symbol of membership and credibility in hacker communities. Hacker knowledge is a form of sacred symbolic capital that gives access to, and personal control over, the means of information creation and circulation. Hence it is valued as essential and technical activity is often experienced as the vehicle for self-fashioning and creative self-expression (Coleman & Golub, 2008). New hackers are often discounted as not credible; hence they have access to capital blocked by those with hacker knowledge capital. Raymond’s comments illustrate how symbolic violence works through marginalising, discrediting and excluding those whose hacker knowledge is not considered credible.

IDENTITY AND CONTESTING CAPITAL IN HACKER VIRTUAL COMMUNITIES

To illustrate the argument that formation of private identities in public spaces and contestation over capital occurs, two examples of posts from hacking virtual communities are analysed. The purpose is to demonstrate the interactions that illustrate Goffman’s crafting of roles and where Bourdieu’s symbolic capital supports the argument that disclosure of private information is used for public identity forming and to dominate other hackers. Two posts, Hungry Hackers Community and House of Hackers, are used as examples. Both forums are gift economies where prestige through knowledge and asserting dominance over others’ knowledge govern the relationships within them. Persuading other hackers to accept the expert hacker’s views becomes easier and less skilled hackers gain capital in the forum by associating and agreeing with experienced hackers’ views (Raymond, 1998).  However, the expert hackers can discredit others’ quest for identity by posting abuse and arguing to show that the original poster is wrong.

Example 1: Arguing Over Resources for New Hackers – Contesting Knowledge

In example one (How to be a Hacker, 2010) Akira, who identifies herself publically with a photo, is a beginner hacker and asks ‘who knows the first steps to be a hacker?’ She has crafted herself as a new hacker. The first reply from Murder Mouse, gender unknown, exercises symbolic violence when the reply tells her to stay away from the hacker tutorials until she has reached an appropriate, but unclear, level of expertise:

You learn how it all works, and then and only then explore how it could be explored/exploited/fondled/whatever. Meaning keep your eyes out of the hacking tutorials for now. They’re useless to you.

Android identifies himself as an experienced hacker but is not as harsh as the previous poster:

First, when you say “who knows the first step to be a Hacker?”, it is very vague because I have quickly learned that everyone has their own interpretation of what a Hacker is. Second, what do you hope to accomplish or learn by being a Hacker? For example, if you want to learn to start snooping through other peoples computers through open ports, it would help if you knew something about the TCP/IP protocol suite.

Both Android and Murder Mouse use hacking terminology as currency of knowledge, much like Bourdieu (1957) suggests people do to establish power over others. However, Murder Mouse tries to craft an air of superiority when Azathoth suggests Akira reads a book on hacking. Murder Mouse criticises this:

lol No offense, I usually don’t criticize advice, but that’s horrible. Read a book full of regurgitated vulns of yesteryear and then try some “view source” challenges on some two-bit “security” site? Noooo.

Murder Mouse continues to disclose private knowledge, shaping the identity as powerful because Murder Mouse knows many ways to become a hacker. The contestation over knowledge appears when K! tries to tell Akira to go to a website. Murder Mouse replies:

You totally ripped all that from the Eric Raymond how-to, which sucks…horribly.

K! replies to make amends, suggesting that he wants to assert he is right with giving the link but Murder Mouse commits more symbolic violence when K! is told abruptly by Murder Mouse to look at another post. Thus Murder Mouse has tried to assert dominance over everyone in the forum topic.

Example 2: Forming Identity through Knowledge Exchanges

Hacker’s identities are crafted on the basis of giving knowledge out to dominate others. A post in the Hungry Hackers forums illustrates Goffman’s and Bourdieu’s assertions about identity and contesting capital. Ankur16 discloses publically a private hacking technique to crack Windows 7 and Vista operating systems. The statement Ankur16 makes reflects Gordon and Ma’s (2003) assertion that hackers are devoid of ethics when the poster refers to the hacked computer user as a victim:

Now, boot the victim’s computer using this cd. If the computer still boots by hard disk, then assign cd rom as first priority device using bios.

Now, you can gain access to victim’s computer.

Then, zellfaze not only supports Ankur16’s posting but respectfully contests Ankur16’s posting by an in-depth explanation of how to further hack the operating systems. First, zellfaze compliments Ankur16:

Excellent, Excellent. You my friend get a Karma point and are my favorite user for the day. xD

After correcting Ankur16, zellfaze then further praises him, suggesting that zellfaze wants to add to the collective capital base of hacker knowledge by appeasing Ankur16 but is careful to appease the other hackers:

If there is anything you have a question about, or need re-explained let me know. You are now one step closer to being a real Hacker.

Good job.

You get a gold star

However, zellfaze continues to dominate the forum topic disclosing more hacker knowledge and then helps a poster, neokhan22, who identifies as a new hacker, who states:

I am Beginner I am not getting the way to go further after booting on CD…

Please tell me how to go step-by-step on…..
I am having winxp n just for my curiosity I am cracking my password

Although the topic postings end these extracts suggest that Goffman’s theory of crafting a role operates in identity formation when zellfaze discloses private ways of hacking an operating system. The hacker asserts that they are an expert to be respected. However, operating here are displays of symbolic violence as more knowledge is given out. In both forums hackers like to identify as having that knowledge, their capital, and assert it over others. The difference between the two forums is that in the first they are competing with each other, as illustrated by MurderMouse’s assertions, but in the second forum zellfaze still asserts knowledge over others but is less confrontational.

CONCLUSION

The forum examples, and applying Goffman’s and Bourdieu’s theories, suggest that hackers do craft an anarchistic identity in virtual communities through their displays of hacking knowledge. This is a private and undesirable activity, yet it is what primarily shapes a hacker’s motivations to disclose their hacking activities. They also compete against each other to dominate those that do not have the levels of hacking knowledge, their form of capital, suggesting their identity is one of holding power. The conclusion is that hacking virtual community, despite its relative anonymity, is the platform hackers will use to shape identity and contest their knowledge with each other. An implication of this is that those that seek to understand hacker behaviour can see why they behave in this way; hackers want aspects of their private selves displayed to others to show their skills without being accountable for their actions.


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